下面是小编为大家整理的2023年美国总统著名演讲(通用合集),供大家参考。希望对大家写作有帮助!
美国总统著名演讲5篇
【篇一】美国总统著名演讲
拉登击毙后美国奥巴马总统演说英文听抄全文
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Good evening. Tonight, I can report to the American people and to the world that the United States has conducted an operation that killed Osama bin Laden, the leader of Al Qaeda, and a terrorist who"s responsible for the murder of thousands of innocent men, women, and children.
It was nearly 10 years ago that a bright September day was darkened by the worst attack on the American people in our history. The images of 9/11 are seared into our national memory -- hijacked planes cutting through a cloudless September sky; the Twin Towers collapsing to the ground; black smoke billowing up from the Pentagon; the wreckage of Flight 93 in Shanksville, Pennsylvania, where the actions of heroic citizens saved even more heartbreak and destruction.
And yet we know that the worst images are those that were unseen to the world. The empty seat at the dinner table. Children who were forced to grow up without their mother or their father. Parents who would never know the feeling of their child"s embrace. Nearly 3,000 citizens taken from us, leaving a gaping hole in our hearts.
On September 11, 2001, in our time of grief, the American people came together. We offered our neighbors a hand, and we offered the wounded our blood. We reaffirmed our ties to each other, and our love of community and country. On that day, no matter where we came from, what God we prayed to, or what race or ethnicity we were, we were united as one American family.
We were also united in our resolve to protect our nation and to bring those who committed this vicious attack to justice. We quickly learned that the 9/11 attacks were carried out by Al Qaeda -- an organization headed by Osama bin Laden, which had openly declared war on the United States and was committed to killing innocents in our country and around the globe. And so we went to war against al Qaeda to protect our citizens, our friends, and our allies.
Over the last 10 years, thanks to the tireless and heroic work of our military and our counterterrorism professionals, we"ve made great strides in that effort. We"ve disrupted terrorist attacks and strengthened our homeland defense. In Afghanistan, we removed the Taliban government, which had given bin Laden and Al Qaeda safe haven and support. And around the globe, we worked with our friends and allies to capture or kill scores of al Qaeda terrorists, including several who were a part of the 9/11 plot.
Yet Osama bin Laden avoided capture and escaped across the Afghan border into Pakistan. Meanwhile, Al Qaeda continued to operate from along that border and operate through its affiliates across the world.
And so shortly after taking office, I directed Leon Panetta, the director of the C.I.A., to make the killing or capture of bin Laden the top priority of our war against Al Qaeda, even as we continued our broader efforts to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat his network.
Then, last August, after years of painstaking work by our intelligence community, I was briefed on a possible lead to bin Laden. It was far from certain, and it took many months to run this thread to ground. I met repeatedly with my national security team as we developed more information about the possibility that we had located bin Laden hiding within a compound deep inside of Pakistan. And finally, last week, I determined that we had enough intelligence to take action, and authorized an operation to get Osama bin Laden and bring him to justice.
Today, at my direction, the United States launched a targeted operation against that compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan. A small team of Americans carried out the operation with extraordinary courage and capability. No Americans were harmed. They took care to avoid civilian casualties. After a firefight, they killed Osama bin Laden and took custody of his body.
For over two decades, bin Laden has been Al Qaeda"s leader and symbol, and has continued to plot attacks against our country and our friends and allies. The death of bin Laden marks the most significant achievement to date in our nation"s effort to defeat Al Qaeda.
Yet his death does not mark the end of our effort. There"s no doubt that Al Qaeda will continue to pursue attacks against us. We must –- and we will -- remain vigilant at home and abroad.
As we do, we must also reaffirm that the United States is not –- and never will be -– at war with Islam. I"ve made clear, just as President Bush did shortly after 9/11, that our war is not against Islam. Bin Laden was not a Muslim leader; he was a mass murderer of Muslims. Indeed, al Qaeda has slaughtered scores of Muslims in many countries, including our own. So his demise should be welcomed by all who believe in peace and human dignity.
Over the years, I"ve repeatedly made clear that we would take action within Pakistan if we knew where bin Laden was. That is what we"ve done. But it"s important to note that our counterterrorism cooperation with Pakistan helped lead us to bin Laden and the compound where he was hiding. Indeed, bin Laden had declared war against Pakistan as well, and ordered attacks against the Pakistani people.
Tonight, I called President Zardari, and my team has also spoken with their Pakistani counterparts. They agree that this is a good and historic day for both of our nations. And going forward, it is essential that Pakistan continue to join us in the fight against Al Qaeda and its affiliates.
The American people did not choose this fight. It came to our shores, and started with the senseless slaughter of our citizens. After nearly 10 years of service, struggle, and sacrifice, we know well the costs of war. These efforts weigh on me every time I, as Commander-in-Chief, have to sign a letter to a family that has lost a loved one, or look into the eyes of a service member who"s been gravely wounded.
So Americans understand the costs of war. Yet as a country, we will never tolerate our security being threatened, nor stand idly by when our people have been killed. We will be relentless in defense of our citizens and our friends and allies. We will be true to the values that make us who we are. And on nights like this one, we can say to those families who have lost loved ones to Al Qaeda"s terror: Justice has been done.
Tonight, we give thanks to the countless intelligence and counterterrorism professionals who"ve worked tirelessly to achieve this outcome. The American people do not see their work, nor know their names. But tonight, they feel the satisfaction of their work and the result of their pursuit of justice.
We give thanks for the men who carried out this operation, for they exemplify the professionalism, patriotism, and unparalleled courage of those who serve our country. And they are part of a generation that has borne the heaviest share of the burden since that September day.
Finally, let me say to the families who lost loved ones on 9/11 that we have never forgotten your loss, nor wavered in our commitment to see that we do whatever it takes to prevent another attack on our shores.
And tonight, let us think back to the sense of unity that prevailed on 9/11. I know that it has, at times, frayed. Yet today"s achievement is a testament to the greatness of our country and the determination of the American people.
The cause of securing our country is not complete. But tonight, we are once again reminded that America can do whatever we set our mind to. That is the story of our history, whether it"s the pursuit of prosperity for our people, or the struggle for equality for all our citizens; our commitment to stand up for our values abroad, and our sacrifices to make the world a safer place.
Let us remember that we can do these things not just because of wealth or power, but because of who we are: one nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.
Thank you. May God bless you. And may God bless the United States of America.
【篇二】美国总统著名演讲
Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865)
Years he as President: 1861-1865
Party affiliation: Republican
Schools: Altogether had about less than one year of formal education
Occupations before President: Riverboat captain, postmaster, lawyer
Did you know: Issued the Emancipation Proclamation (独立宣言) that declared forever free those slaves within the Confederacy on January 1, 1863；
Led the American Civil War (内战) fighting for the freedom of the salves
提示一：他出生于社会低层，具有勤劳、俭朴、谦虚和诚恳的品格。
提示二：他那敏锐的洞察力和深厚的人道主义童识，使他成为美国历史上最伟大的总统。
提示三："善于总结经验的总统赢得了历史学家们最高的评价。"亚伯拉罕·林肯无疑是这方面的佼佼者。
葛底斯堡战役，是美国内战最艰苦卓绝的战役，该役最后以南军被迫撤退，北军胜利告终，双方伤亡人数共达数万。这是南北战争的转折点。林肯总统1863年11月在葛底斯堡国家公墓落成典礼发表了著名的《葛底斯堡演说》。
英文
The Gettysburg Address Delivered on
November 19, 1863
Read by Jeff Daniel
Four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, 1)conceived in Liberty, and 2)dedicated to the 3)proposition that all men are created equal.
Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long 4)endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a 5)portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives to that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate-we can not 6)consecrate we can not 7)hallow-this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or 8)detract.
The world will little note, nor long re-member what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work, which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us-that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion-that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain-that this nation, under 6od, shall have a new birth of free-dom-and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not 9)perish from the earth.
中文
葛底斯堡演说
发表于1863年11月19日
87年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。
现在我们正在进行一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且是非常恰当的。
但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，对这块土地，我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。
我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们曾在这为之奋斗、努力推进、但尚未完成的事业，倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务--我们要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；
我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些烈士的鲜血自流；
我们要使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生；
要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。
解释
1) conceive V. 构思，怀孕
2) dedicate to 献身于
3) proposition n. 主张，建议
4) endure, 耐久，忍耐
5) portion n, 一部分
6) consecrate v. 献给
7) hallow v. 使...... 神圣
8) detract v. 转移
9) perish v. 毁灭
简评：
1"Four score and seven years ago"，远比"eighty-seven years ago"来得更有份量，更加凝重。"score"与"ago"在音韵上也更耐琢磨。
2"dedicate，consecrate，hallow"三个动词的连续，恰当的选用：排比的句式，一气呵成：接连两个"it is for us"把强调的对象转移到现在活着的人。
3 全文的最后一个长句包含着四个由"that"引导同位语从句，具体说明了"the great task remaining before us""的是什么。
Franklin D. Roosevelt 富兰克林·罗斯福
1933.3.4.
演讲者简介：
罗斯福在1933年成为总统当时美国正陷于世界性的经济危机之中。罗斯福以他的能力为人民创造就业机会并带去援助。罗斯福的许多施政观点至今仍是美国治国方针的一部分。
President Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today. This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for. Nature surrounds us with her bounty, and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. Without them it cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This nation is asking for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.
Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it. We must act, we must act quickly.
And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people’s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.
These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.
Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America – a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of others. The neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.
And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift, I take it.
In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.
肯尼迪就职演讲
（约翰·肯尼迪）
1961.1.20.
演讲者简介：
约翰·肯尼迪是一位战争英雄，普利策奖获得者，五十年代大部分时间时的参议员。1960年11月，年仅43岁的他成为美国历史上由选举产生的最年轻的总统。1963年11月22日他在德克萨斯州的达拉斯遇刺身亡，是美国历史上第四位死于暗杀者的子弹的总统。
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< cla> We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom. Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you, and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.
The world is very different now, for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life. And yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue around the globe. The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare no forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth, from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today, at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet and hardship, support any friend, oppose and foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty.
This much we pledge and more.
To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do, in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do. For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe, struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last and best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a form for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which it’s written and run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge, but a request ,that both sides begin a new quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness, for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt, can we be certain beyond doubt, that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nation take comfort from our present course, both sides over-burdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, and yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.
So let us begin anew, remembering on both sides that stability is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us, instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals, for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together, let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah, to undo the heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free.
And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just, and the weak secured, and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days, nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our cause. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans, who answered the call to service, surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again, not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need, not as a call to battle, though in battle we are, but a call to bear the burden of a long, twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies, a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility, I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people, or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion, which we bring to this endeavor, will light our country and all who serve it, and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of men.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America, or citizens of the world, ask of us here, the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth, God’s work must truly be our own.
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< cla>George Walker Bush (1946-)
Facts Years as President: 2001-
Party affiliation: Republican
Schools: Yale University, Harvard University
Occupations before President: Owner of oil and gas business, Governor of Texas
Did you know: The first Texas governor to be elected to two four-year terms
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< cla>提示一：布什标榜自己是自由贸易的代言人，他还将在演讲时强调美国在世界上的作用。
提示二：布什总是喜欢在别人面前表现得直率和规矩。布什继承了他(克林顿)较为吸引人的淘气的一面。
提示三：小布什在多次挫折中学会了冷静和忍耐。他的生活座右铭是"船到桥头自然直"。
小布什与副总统戈尔的竞选大战，经过几次的重新点票，几番波折，终于由小布什以微弱的票数胜出。这让世人见识了美国的民主，美国的总统选举，因此布什在开篇就提到。小布什2000年竞选的胜利没有明显的优势，他的形象也并不受欢迎。但他讲话错误百出的问题在就职演讲中收敛了很多，他的谦卑也是有目共睹的。
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< cla>英文
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< cla>Presidential Inauguration Speech
Delivered on January 20, 2001
I thank you all. Chief Justice Renquist, President Carter, President Bush, President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens:
The peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. with a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
I am honored and humbled to stand here where so many of America"s leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.
We have a place, all of us, in a long story A story we continued, but whose end we will not see. It is a story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old. A story of a slave holding society that became a servant of freedom. It is the American story. A story of flawed and 1)fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.
The grandest of these ideals is an 2)unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born. Americans are called to 3)enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
I will live and lead by these principles, to advance my 4)convictions with 5)civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and 6)compassion, to call for responsibility, and try to live it as well. In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.
What you do is as important as any- thing government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort, to defend needed reforms against easy attacks, to serve your nation beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens; citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens building communities of service and a nation of character.
Americans are generous and strong and 7)decent not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the 8)Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginian statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson. We know the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm? Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes 9)accumulate. But the themes of this day, he would know; our nation"s grand story of courage, and its simple dream of 10)dignity.
Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing. We renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives, and every life. This work continues. The story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all and God bless America!
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< cla>
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< cla>中文
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< cla>布什总统就职演说
发表于2001年1月20日
谢谢大家!尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官、卡特总统、布什总统、克林顿总统、尊敬的来宾、同胞们：
这次政权的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的，但在美国是平常的。·我们以朴素的宣誓庄严地维护了古老的传统，同时开始了新的历程。
站在这里，我既觉得荣幸，也觉得谦卑。在我之前，有许多美国领导人从这里起步；
在我之后，也会有许多领导人从这里继续前进。
在美国悠久的历史中，我们每个人都有自己的位置。我们还在继续推动着历史前进，但是我们不可能看到它的尽头。这是一部美国成为友好使者和旧社会解放者的新世界发展史。这是一部美国由奴隶制社会发展成为崇尚自由的社会史。这就是美国史。它不是一部完美无暇的民族发展史，但它是一部在伟大和永恒理想指导下一代代人团结奋斗的历史。
这些理想中最伟大的是正在慢慢实现中的美国的承诺，即：每个人都有自身的价值，每个人都有成功的机会，每个人天生都会有所作为。美国人肩负着一种使命，那就是要竭力将这个诺言变成生活中和法律上的现实。虽然我们的国家过去在追求实现这个承诺的途中有时曾停滞不前，但我们仍将坚定不移地履行这一使命。
我为人处事的原则包括：坚信自己而不强加于人，为公众的利益勇往直前，追求正义而不乏同情心，勇担责任而决不推卸。我要通过这一切，用我们历史上传统价值观来关注我们的时代。
你们大家所做的一切和政府的工作同样重要。我希望你们不要仅仅追求个人享受而忽略公众的利益。要捍卫既定的改革措施，使其不会轻易被攻击：要从身边小事做起，为我们的国家效力。我希望你们成为公民，是真正的公民而不是旁观者：是真正的公民而不是臣民；
是有责任心的公民，这样才能共同建设一个互助的社会和一个有特色的国家。
美国人民慷慨、坚强、体面，这并非因为我们信任我们自己，而是因为我们拥有超越我们自己的信念。一旦这种公民精神丧失了，任何政府计划都无法补救。一旦这种精神出现了，任何错误都无法与之抗衡。
在《独立宣言》签署后，弗吉尼亚州的政治家约翰·佩齐曾给托马斯·杰弗逊写信说："我们知道，身手敏捷的不一定就能赢得比赛，力量强大的不一定就能赢得战争。难道这一切不都是冥冥中的安排吗?"杰弗逊就任总统的那个年代离我们已经很远了。时光飞逝，美国发生了翻天覆地的变化。但是有一点他肯定能够预知，即我们这个时代的主题仍然是：我们国家无畏向前的辉煌故事和她追求尊严的纯朴梦想。
带着永不疲惫、永不气馁、永不枯竭的信念，今天我们重树这样的目标；
使我们的国家变得更加公正、更加慷慨，维护我们每个人和所有人生命的尊严。这项工作必须继续下去。这段历史必须延续下去。上帝会驾驭我们航行的。
愿上帝保佑大家!愿上帝保佑美国!
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< cla>
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< cla>解释
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< cla>1) fallible adj. 错误的
2) unfolding adj. 展开的
3) enact V. 颁布
4) conviction n. 确信
5) civility n. 礼貌
6) compassion n. 同情
7) decent adj. 正派的
8) Declaration of Independence n. 独立宣言
9) accumulate v. 积聚
10) dignity n, 尊严，高贵
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< cla>简评：
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< cla>1"beginning with"是"begin with"的动名词形式，是"从……开始做起"的意思，布什在演讲中强调公民要从身边的小事做起，为国家效力。"neighbor"是"邻居、邻人"，服务邻人，就要从身边的小事做起。
2布什用"citizenship"一词唤起美国久违了的主人翁精神．
3"nor"和"neither"一样表示并列的否定，"…nor the battle to the strong"完整来说应该是"…nor the battle is to the strong"，这比我们常用的"…and the battle is not to the strong"更为简洁精炼。
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< cla>Edward VIII (1894-1972)
Facts King of UK: 1936.1 -1937.12
Title before he succeeded to the throne: Prince of Wales
Title and appointment after he resigned the crown: Duke of Windsor, Governor of the Bahamas
Did you know: The only British sovereign to resign the crown voluntarily
提示一：在英国历史上，英王爱德华八世"爱美人不爱江山"的故事一直都是一段让后人传颂的佳话。
提示二：温莎公爵只做了325天国王，连加冕典礼都没来得及举行，就为爱情逊位了。
提示三："退位危机"时值欧洲风云巨变的重要时刻，爱德华八世的一意孤行导致英国王室出现分裂，被王族成员视为"背叛者"。
1931年，时为威尔士亲王的爱德华八世结识了辛普森夫人，马上被这位美国女人的妩媚和聪明所吸引。1936年，已经即位成为英王的爱德华八世的他不顾辛普森夫人是个离过两次婚的30多岁妇女，试图使王室接纳她，但遭到拒绝。12月11日，爱德华八世发表了告别广播讲话，宣布为了能和心爱的女人结婚，他将放弃王位。
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< cla>
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< cla>英文
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< cla>Abdication Speech
Delivered on December 11, 1936
At long last, I am able to say a few words of my own. I have never wanted to withhold(保留) anything, but until now, it has not been constitutionally(合法地) possible for me to speak.
A few hours ago, I discharged(卸下) my last duty as King and Emperor. And now that I have been succeeded by my brother, the Duke of York, my first words must be to declare my allegiance (忠贞，效忠) to him. This I do with all my heart.
You all know the reasons which have impelled(驱使，逼迫) me to renounce(断绝关系) the throne. But I want you to understand that, in making up my mind, I did not forget the country or the empire which, as Prince of Wales and lately as King, I have for 25 years tried to serve.
But you must believe me when I tell you that I have found it impossible to carry the heavy burden of responsibility and to discharge my duties as King as I would wish to do, without the help and support of the woman I love. And I want you to know that the decision I have made has been mine and mine alone. This was a thing I had to judge entirely for myself. The other person most nearly concerned has tried, up to the last, to persuade me to take a different course. I have made this, the most serious decision of my life, only upon the single thought of what would, in the end, be best for all. This decision has been made less difficult to me by the sure knowledge that my brother, with his long training in the public affairs of this country and with his fine qualities, will be able to take my place forthwith, without interruption or injury(伤害) to the life and progress of the empire. And he has one matchless blessing, enjoyed by so many of you and not bestowed(给予，安放) on me, a happy home with his wife and children.
During these hard days, I have been com- forted by Her Majesty, my mother, and by her.., by my family The Ministers of the Crown, and in particular Mr. Baldwin, the Prime Minister, have always treated me with full consideration.
There has never been any constitutional difference between me and them, and between me and Parliament. Bred in the constitutional tradition, by my father I should never have allowed any such issue to arise. Ever since I was Prince of Wales, and later on when I occupied the throne, I have been treated with the greatest kindness by all classes of the people wherever I have lived or journeyed through- out the empire. For that, I am very grateful.
I now quit altogether public affairs, and I lay down my burden. It may be some time before I return to my native land, but I shall always follow the fortunes of the British race and empire with profound interest. And if, at any time in the future, I can be found of ser- vice to His Majesty, in a private station, I shall not fail.
And now, we all have a new King. wish him and you, his people, happiness and prosperity, with all my heart. God bless you all.
God save the King!
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< cla>To the Top
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< cla>中文
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< cla>为爱情而逊位
发表于1936年12月11日
最后，我终于可以为自己说几句话了。我从来没有试图作任何的保留，只是一直以来，根据宪法规定，我都不能为自己申辩。
几个小时前，我已经尽了我作为国王和皇帝的最后职责。而现在，大英帝国的王位已经由我的弟弟--约克公爵继承了。在此，我首先要表达我本人对他的忠诚，全心全意效忠于他。
我退位的原因相信早已公诸于世。但是，请大家相信，在我做出退位决定时，我并没有忘记这个我一无论是作为威尔士亲王或者是国王一已经尽心服务了长达25年的国家或者说王国。
但我要对大家说的是，没有我最心爱的女人的帮助和支持，我将无法按我的意愿去承担作为国王所要肩负的重任和所要履行的义务，这一点请大家务必相信。我还要告诉大家，这是我的决定，是由我自己作的决定。这件事，必须完全由我自己来做判断。曾经有对我的退位感到忧虑的人想试图劝说我改变初衷。但我已经作出了我这一生中是最为严肃的而且我认为是对整个国家都有好处的决定。我可以轻松地作出退位的决定，完全是因为对弟弟的充分认同，他在国家公共事务中长期经受磨练，而且人品好，我相信他完全有能力担此重任，而不会中断和影响帝国的生存和发展。此外，我弟弟幸福无比，像你们之中的很多人一样，拥有一个有妻子与儿女的快乐家庭，这是我所不及的。
在这段困难的日子里，皇太后--我的母亲、还有她……以及我的家人，他们一直在安慰我。
王室大臣，还有特别是鲍尔文首相，他们一直都在为我做周详的考虑。在宪制观念上，我和他们之间、还有我和国会之间从来没有出现过任何分歧。在宪制传统和父亲的养育下，我本来是不应该让这种事情发生的。从我成为威尔士亲王一直到继承这个王位，无论我住在哪儿，或者游历到哪儿，我时刻感受到各阶层人民对我的爱戴。我对此表示感谢。
现在，我已经从公共事务中全身而退，卸下了我的重担。我可能要过一段时间才会重返故土，但我将一如既往地关注大不列颠民族和王国的命运。将来任何时候，如果发现我还可以为国王陛下服务的话，即使是从私人角度，我也将义不容辞。
现在，我们已经有了一位新的国王。我衷心祝愿他，还有你们--国王的子民--幸福、繁荣。上帝保佑你们!
上帝保佑我们的国王!
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< cla>To the Top
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< cla>简评：
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< cla>1一开篇，就表明这是一个非常艰难的决定，也是一个绝无仅有的决定.
2 The Ministers of the Crown，and in particular Mr，Baldwin，the Prime Minister，have always treated me with full consideration，用一种隐晦的说法，道出了当时的英国首相及王室成员对他所作出的决定的再三阻挠。
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< cla>Winston Churchill (1874-1965)
Facts Years as British Prime Minister: 1940-1945: 1951-1955
Party affiliation; Conservative Party
Occupations before Prime Minister; Minister of War and Air, Colonial Secretary, Chancellor of the Exchequer, First Lord of the Admiralty, chairman of the Military Coordinating Committee
Did you know: Awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature
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< cla>提示一：他才华横溢的演说，给饱受闪电战苦难的人民灌输了无穷的能量。
提示二：温斯顿·丘吉尔有很高的文学造诣，这使他一生中的数百篇演说无一不具文采。为此，他曾被美国《展示》杂志列为近百年世界最有说服力的八大演说家之一。
提示三：温斯顿·伦纳德·斯潘塞·丘吉尔是20世纪最负盛名的英国资产阶级政治家，是大英帝国利益的坚决捍卫者。他为大英帝国的利益奋斗了一生。
二次世界大战正逐渐进入白热化的阶段。德国纳粹的军队在欧陆势如破竹，对隔着英吉利海峡的英国则进行大规模的日夜轰炸，声言要夷平伦敦，企图迫使英国屈服。面对危急存亡的关头，向来采取怀柔政策的前首相张伯伦(Chamberlain)已无法支撑大局，被迫在5月10日辞职下台。在危难之际出任英国战时首相的丘吉尔在关键时刻通过广播的方式鼓励英国人民为战争作出更大努力是丘吉尔为反法西斯战争取得最后胜利所作的主要贡献。
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< cla>
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< cla>英文
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< cla>First Broadcast as Prime Minister to the British People
Delivered on May 19, 1940
I speak to you for the first time as Prime Minister in a solemn hour for the life of our country, of our empire, of our allies, and above all, of the cause of Freedom. A tremendous battle is raging in France and Flanders. The Germans, by a remarkable combination of air bombing and heavily 1)armored tanks, have broken through the French defenses north of 2)the Maginot Line, and strong columns of their armored vehicles are 3)ravaging the open country, which for the first day or two was without defenders.
In the air-often at serious odds, often at odds 4)hitherto thought overwhelming-we have been 5)clawing down three or four to one of our enemies; and the relative balance of the British and German air forces is now consider- ably more favorable to us than at the beginning of the battle. In cutting down the German bombers, we are fighting our own battle as well as that of France. My confidence in our ability to fight it out to the finish with the Ger- man Air Force has been strengthened by the fierce encounters which have taken place and are taking place. At the same time, our heavy bombers are striking nightly at the 6)taproot of German mechanized power, and have already 7)inflicted serious damage upon the oil 8)refineries on which the Nazi effort to dominate the world directly depends.
We must expect that as soon as stability is reached on the Western Front, the bulk of that hideous 9)apparatus of aggression which 10)dashed Holland into ruin and slavery in a few days will be turned upon us. I am sure I speak for all when I say we are ready to face it, to endure it, and to retaliate against it-to any extent that the unwritten laws of war permit. There will be many men and many women in this Island who when the ordeal comes upon them, as come it will, will feel comfort, and even a pride, that they are sharing the 11)perils of our 12)lads at the front-soldiers, sail- ors and airmen, God bless them-and are drawing away for them a part at least of the 13)onslaught they have to bear. Is not this the appointed time for all to make the utmost 14)exertions in their power? If the battle is to be won, we must provide our men with ever-increasing quantities of the weapons and ammunition they need. We must have, and have quickly, more airplanes, more tanks, more shells, more guns. There is 15)imperious need for these vital 16)munitions. They increase our strength against the powerfully armed enemy They replace the wastage of the 17)obstinate struggle; and the knowledge that wastage will speedily be replaced enables us to draw more readily upon our reserves and throw them in now that everything counts so much.
Our task is not only to win the battle-but to win the war. After this battle in France 18)abates its force, there will come the battle for our Island-for ail that Britain is, and ail that Britain means. That will be the struggle. In that supreme emergency we shall not hesitate to take every step, even the most drastic, to call forth from our people the last ounce and the last inch of effort of which they are capable. The interests of property, the hours of labor, are nothing compared to the struggle for life and honor, for right and freedom, to which we have vowed ourselves.
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< cla>丘吉尔任首相后对英国人民的第一次广播演讲
发表于1940年5月19日
我国的生活，大英帝国的生活，我们盟友的生活，更重要的是自由已处于一个严峻的时刻，此时，作为首相，我第一次对你们演讲。在法兰西和弗兰德斯，战斗在残酷地进行。在空中轰炸和装甲坦克的联合进攻之下，德军已经突破法国北部的马其诺防线，他们的优势力量装甲车正蹂躏着法国广袤的土地，而法国在战争初期毫无防御。
在空中，我们与敌人的势力有着明显的差异，迄今这种差异已经十分普遍--敌人每击落一架我军的飞机，我们就击落三或四架敌机：英国皇家空军与德国空军的对比优势现在已经比战斗初期更加倾向干我们。我们在英国、法国战斗，击落德国的轰炸机。我对我军与德国空军战斗直至最后时刻的信心因为已经进行和正在进行的残酷反击而得到加强。同时，我们的重型轰炸机正在夜幕中攻击德国机械化部队的指挥枢纽，并且已经对德国控制世界所依赖的石油化工厂造成严重的损失。
我们必须相信一旦西线稳定，荷兰在几天之内被可怕的侵略机器所毁灭和奴役的命运将降临在我们头上。我相信，我对所有的人发表这次讲话是为了向你们保证，我们已准备好了面对这场战争灾难，并将在战争不成文的规则所允许的任何范围内予以回击。这个岛屿上的很多人，当考验降临在他们身上时，就你事情本身一样，将感到安慰，甚至骄傲于与我们在前线的小伙子一道分享艰险，尽可能地分担他们所承受的攻击。上帝保佑他们，那些战士、海员和空勤人员。在这个特定时候，难道我们大家不能尽自己最大的努力吗?要赢得战争，我们必须向我们的士兵提供他们所需的数量日益增长的武器和弹药。我们必须拥有，马上拥有更多的飞机、坦克、炮弹和枪支。我们急需这些重要的军需品。这些东西能增强我们对付有强大武装的敌人的力量。这些东西对我们现在来说是如此宝贵，它们能替代我们顽强作战的无谓消耗：而快速替代的无谓消耗将使我们更快耗费储备。
我们的任务不仅是赢得战役，而且是赢得战争。法国的战斗结束之后，战争将会降临我国。这是整个英国的意义所在。斗争即将来临。在此万分危机的时刻，我们将毫不犹豫地采取甚至最强烈的措施号召我们的人民尽最大所能，贡献最后一份力量。财产利益、工作时间于我们誓死捍卫的生命和荣誉、权利和自由的斗争来说都显得微不足道。
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< cla>
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< cla>解释
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< cla>1) armored tanks 装甲坦克，装甲战车
2) the Maginot Line 马奇诺防线
3) ravage v,毁坏，蹂躏
4) hitherto adv. 迄今，至今
5) claw down 击落
6) taproot n. 指挥枢纽
7) inflict v. 造成
8) refinery n, 精炼厂
9) apparatus n. 器械，设备
10)dash v. 使破灭，使受挫
11)peril n, 危险
12) lad n. 伙伴
13)onslaught n. 冲击
14)exertion n. 尽力，努力
15)imperious adj. 绝对必要的，迫切的
16) munitions n. 军需品 (munition 的复数)
17) obstinate adj. 顽强的，倔强的
18) abate v, 减少，减轻，缓和
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< cla>简评：
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< cla>丘吉尔在结束演讲前铿锵有力地指出了他的目标：0ur task is not only to win the battle---but to win the war，并强调这是一场捍卫生命和荣誉、权利和自由的斗争，勉励人民要不惜一切代价来争取战争的胜利。为达成这一目标，丘吉尔自己更是以身作则，抱定与伦敦共存亡的决心，无论德机轰炸多么惨烈，他都坚守伦敦，没有离开过伦敦一步、在丘吉尔这种坚定果决的领导下，英国始终能上下一心，人人士气高昂，奋起抗敌，终于粉碎德国纳粹的企图，扭转整个战局，赢得最后的胜利。
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< cla>Margaret Thatcher (1925-)
Facts Years as British Prime Minister: 1979-1990
Party affiliation: Conservative Party
Time she entered Parliament: October 8, 1959
Did you know: The longest serving Prime Minister for more than 150 years
The first woman to serve as Prime Minister.
提示一：她是西方各国担任如此要职的头一个女性，也是全世界头一个担任首相的已婚妇女。
提示二：这个铁女人从来不肯曲意奉承，讨好别人，相反，却做出了一些"违反民意"的事。
提示三：她在重大国际、国内问题上，思路清晰，观点鲜明，立场强硬，做事果断，在相当长的一段时间里影响了整个英国乃至欧洲，被誉为欧洲政坛上的"铁娘子"。
1984年12月19日，中华人民共和国政府和不大列颠及北爱尔兰联合王国政府《关于香港问题联合声明》的签字仪式在北京人民大会堂西大厅隆重举行。国务院总理赵紫阳和英国首相玛格丽特·撒切尔夫人分别代表本国政府在联合声明上签字。中英两国政府《关于香港问题的联合声明》宣布，中国人民共和国政府决定于1997年7月1日对香港恢复行使主权，英国政府在这一天将香港交还给中华人民共和国。以下这篇演讲选自撒切尔夫人在签字仪式上的讲话。
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< cla>To the Top
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< cla>英文
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< cla>This Is a Historic Occasion
Delivered on December 19, 1984
Your excellency(阁下) Chairman Deng Xiaoping, your excellency President Li Xiannian, your execellency premier Zhao Ziyang, your excellency ladies and gentlemen:
This is a historic occasion. And I"m particularly pleased to see that Chairman Deng Xiaoping is able to be present. The Joint Declaration on the Future of Hong Kong, which you have just signed on behalf of our two governments, is a landmark(里程碑) in the light of the territory, in the course of Anglo-Chinese relations(中英关系), and in the history of international diplomacy. The Agreement establishes a firm basis for confidence in Hong Kong after 1997 and beyond, and for its continued stability, prosperity and growth.
I remember with pleasure my last visit to China in September 1982 and my discussions with Chinese leaders. At my meeting with Chairman Deng Xiaoping on that occasion, we agreed to open talks on the future of Hong Kong. Our common aim was to maintain the territory"s stability and prosperity, the generous spirit of pride and of optimism about the future that I now return to sign the Agreement, which is the result of these talks.
The Agreement fully meets the political requirements of Britain and China as well as the interests of the Hong Kong people. It provides the framework in which as a Special Administrative Region of the People"s Republic of China, Hong Kon9 will maintain its economic system and way of life for 50 years after the first of July, 1997.
It gives Hong Kon9 a high degree of autonomy. Hong Kon9 people will administer Hong Kong and a Special Administrative Region will pass its own legislation. It allows Hong Kon9 to continue to decide its own economic, financial and trade policies, and to participate as appropriate in international organizations and agreements. It preserves Hon9 Kong"s familiar legal system and the rights and freedoms enjoyed there. In short, it provides the assurances for the future which Hong Kong needs in order to continue to play its unique role in the world as a trading and financial center.
These qualities in the Agreement, have been recognized by the British Parliament and by the Standing Committee of the National People"s Congress of China(中国全国人民代表大会常务委员会), which have approved the intention of our governments to proceed to signature. The agreement has been subject to a thorough public debate among those whose future it will determine the people of Hong Kong. Although they have expressed some reservations, and sought clarification on particular points, they have clearly judged it to be acceptable to them as a whole. The Agreement has been widely praised by other governments, in international organizations and in financial and economic circles.
The Secretary General of the United Nations has described it as an example for other countries in the way in which difficult international problems can be successfully resolved. International goodwill and support will be vital for Hong Kong in the future and I have no doubt that it will be forthcoming(即将来临的).
The negotiation itself has brought our countries closer together. It has increased our mutual understanding, respect and trust. I am convinced that as we work together in the future, we shall be laying the foundation for an even closer and deeper relationship that is good for Britain, good for China and good for the world. Above all, it is good for the people of Hong Kong.
We are privileged today to take part with our Chinese friends in the unique occasion. The circumstances are unique, the Agreement is unique. It is right that we should feel a sense of history and of confidence in the future. I thank you for the privilege of being at this highly successful ceremony.
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< cla>To the Top
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< cla>中文
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< cla>这是一个具有历史意义的时刻
发表于1984年12月19日
尊敬的邓小平先生、李先念主席、赵紫阳总理、各位贵宾：
这是一个具有历史意义的时刻。邓小平先生能够光临，我感到特别高兴。刚才我们分别代表各自政府签署的《关于香港问题的联合声明》，在香港的历史中、在英中关系的历程中以及在国际外交史上都是一个里程碑。这个协议为1997年和1997年以后这段时期保持对香港的信心以及为继续保持香港的稳定、繁荣和发展奠定了坚实的基础。
我愉快地回忆起我于1982年9月对中国的访问以及我同中国领导人的会谈。那次我会见邓小平先生时，我们同意就香港前途开始会谈。我们共同的目的是维护香港的稳定和繁荣。正是本着自豪和对前途充满乐观的精神，我再次来到北京签署作为会谈成果的这项协议。
这项协议完全符合英中两国的政治要求和香港人民的利益。它提供了一个框架，根据这个框架，香港作为中华人民共和国的一个特别行政区，在 1997年7月1日以后的五十年中，将保持其经济制度和生活方式不变。
协议给予香港高度的自治权：香港人民将管理香港，特别行政区将制定自己的法律。协议允许香港继续制定自己的经济、财政和贸易政策，并适当地参加国际组织和协定。它保持了香港所熟悉的法律制度及其享有的权利和自由。总之，协议为香港的未来提供了所需要的保证，使香港能继续作为贸易和金融中心在世界上发挥独特的作用。
英国议会和中国全国人民代表大会常务委员会都认可了协议中的这些特点，并批准了各自政府进行签署的意向。香港人民对决定他们前途的协议进行了充分的公开辩论。虽然他们表示有些保留，并要求澄清某些具体问题，但很明显，他们认为，协议总的来说是可以接受的。这一协议也受到了其他国家的政府、国际组织以及金融和经济界的广泛赞扬。
联合国秘书长说，这个协议为其他国家树立了一个成功地解决困难的国际问题的榜样。国际上的善意和支持今后对香港至关重要。我毫不怀疑，香港会得到这种善意和支持。
谈判本身使我们两国的关系更加密切了。它增进了我们之间的相互了解、尊重和信任。我相信，在今后的合作中，我们将为进一步加强和巩固两国之间的关系奠定基础。这对英国有利，对中国有利，对世界也有利。最重要的是，这对香港人民有利。
今天，我们荣幸地同中国朋友一起参加这个独特的仪式。形势是独特的，协议也是独特的。我们的确应该有一种历史感，一种对未来的信心。最后感谢诸位光临签字仪式。
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< cla>
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< cla>简评：
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< cla>1 "high degree of autonomy"的意思是 "高度自治"。
2 It is right that we should feel a sense of history and of confidence in the future. "it is+形容词+that"这一句式主要作用于强调所要表达的内容以及增强说话或演讲的语气。
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< cla>Ronald Wilson Reagan (1911-)
Facts Years as President: 1981-1989
Party affiliation: Republican
Occupations before President: Hollywood actor, Governor of California
Did you know: The first American President to visit China after the establishment of 5ino-US diplomatic relations
提示一：好莱坞动作明星施瓦辛格当选了加州州长，是否会出现第二个里根呢?
提示二：正是因为里根总统与前苏联进行了持续的军备竞赛，拖垮了苏联，才有了冷战的结束，以及今天美国成为世界上唯一超级大国的地位，因而里根是当之无愧的美国英雄。
提示三：里根是坚定的理想主义者， 富有冒险精神，个性强硬，崇尚武力。
1986年1月28日，美国第二架航天飞机"挑战者"号在进行第10次飞行时，从发射架上升空70多秒后发生爆炸，价值12亿美元的航天飞机化作碎片，坠入大西洋，7名机组人员全部遇难，造成了世界航天史上最大的惨剧。这是美国进行25次载入航天飞行中首次发生在空中的大灾难。
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< cla>
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< cla>英文
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< cla>The Space Shuttle "Challenger" Tragedy（悲剧，灾难） Address
Delivered on January 28, 1986
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I"d planned to speak to you tonight to report on the state of the Union, but the events of earlier today have led me to change those plans. Today is a day for mourning and remembering. Nancy and I are pained to the core by the tragedy of the shuttle Challenger（"挑战者"号航天飞机）. We know we share this pain with all of the people of our country. This is truly a national loss.
Nineteen years ago, almost to the day, we lost three astronauts in a terrible accident on the ground. But, we"ve never lost an astronaut in flight. We"ve never had a tragedy like this. And perhaps we"ve forgotten the courage it took for the crew of the shuttle. But they, the Challenger Seven, were aware of the dangers, but overcame them and did their jobs brilliantly. We mourn seven heroes: Michael Smith, Dick Scobee, Judith Resnik, Ronald McNair, Ellison Onizuka. Gregory Jarvis, and Christa McAuliffe . We mourn their loss as a nation together.
For the families of the seven, we can- not bear, as you do, the full impact of this tragedy. But we feel the loss, and we"re thinking about you so very much. Your loved ones were daring and brave, and they had that special grace, that special spirit that says, "Give me a challenge, and I"ll meet it with joy." They had a hunger（渴望，欲望）to explore the universe and discover its truths. They wished to serve, and they did. They served all of us.
We"ve grown used to wonders in this century. It"s hard to dazzle（(使)眼花，眩耀） us. But for twenty-five years the United States space program has been doing just that. We"ve grown used to the idea of space, and, perhaps we forget that we"ve only just begun. We"re still pioneers. They, the members of the Challenger crew, were pioneers.
And I want to say something to the schoolchildren of America who were watching the live coverage(实况转播) of the shuttle"s take-off. I know it"s hard to understand, but sometimes painful things like this happen. It"s all part of the process of exploration and discovery. It"s all part of taking a chance and expanding man"s horizons(视野，(知识思想等的)范围). The future doesn"t belong to the fainthearted(懦弱的，胆小的); it belongs to the brave. The Challenger crew was pulling us into the future, and we"ll continue to follow them.
I"ve always had great faith in and respect for our space program. And what happened today does nothing to diminish((使)减少，(使)变小) it. We don"t hide our space program. We don"t keep secrets and cover things up. We do it all up front and in public. That"s the way freedom is, and we wouldn"t change it for a minute.
We"ll continue our quest in space. There will be more shuttle flights and more shuttle crews and, yes, more volunteers, more civilians, more teachers in space. Nothing ends here; our hopes and our journeys continue.
I want to add that I wish I could talk to every man and woman who works for NASA, or who worked on this mission and tell them, "Your dedication and professionalism(专业主义，专业精神) have moved and impressed us for decades. And we know of your anguish(痛苦，苦恼). We share it."
There"s a coincidence(同时发生或同时存在(尤指偶然)的事情) today. On this day 390 years ago, the great explorer Sir Francis Drake died aboard ship off the coast of Panama. In his lifetime the great frontiers were the oceans, and a historian later said, "He lived by the sea, died on it, and was buried in it." Well, today, we can say of the Challenger crew: Their dedication was, like Drake"s, complete.
The crew of the space shuttle Challenger honored us by the manner in which they lived their lives. We will never forget them, nor the last time we saw them, this morning, as they prepared for their journey and waved goodbye and "slipped the surly bonds of earth" to "touch the face of God."
Thank you.
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< cla>To the Top
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< cla>中文
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< cla>就"挑战者"号航天飞机悲剧发表的演说
发表于1986年1月28日
女士们，先生们：
今晚，我原计划就联邦政府的状况向大家做报告，但今天早些时候发生的事件已经改变了我的计划。今天是一个举国哀悼和缅怀追忆的日子。南茜和我对"挑战者"号航天飞机坠毁的悲剧感到彻骨的心痛。我们知道，我们与全国人民共同承受着悲痛，这真的是一个民族的损失。
19年前，几乎是与今天相同的一天，我们在一次恐怖的地面事故中失去了三个宇航员。但是，我们从未在飞行过程中失去任何一个太空人。我们从未遭遇过今天这样的悲剧，或许，我们已经忘却了"挑战者"号航天飞机全体宇航员身上的巨大勇气。但是他们，"挑战者号"上的七人，清楚意识到潜在的危险，却克服了恐惧并出色地工作。我们哀悼以下七位英雄：迈克尔·史密斯，迪克·斯科比，朱迪斯·雷斯尼克，雷诺德·麦克奈尔，埃利森·鬼冢，格雷戈里· 贾唯斯和克莱斯特·麦考利夫。我们举国上下一致哀悼他们的远去。
对这七位英雄的家人，我要说的是，我们像你们一样，也不能承受这次悲剧带来的沉重打击。但是我们深切体会到这一巨大损失，并且我们也对你们的悲痛感同身受。你们深爱的家人是如此勇敢无畏，他们具有"给我一个挑战，我会欣然迎接"的从容及献身精神。他们如此渴望探索太空，发现宇宙的奥秘。他们期望为国服务并且真正做到了这一点，为大众服务。
在这个世纪里，我们对奇迹已习以为常，要让我们再感到惊奇不是那么容易的一件事情。但在过去的25年里，美国航天计划一直令我们叹为观止，对太空一词我们已经耳熟能详，或许我们已经忘记我们仅是刚刚起步，我们仍是先锋者，"挑战者"号的全体成员都是先锋者。
我还想对观看了"挑战者"号起飞现场报导的美国中小学生们说几句。我知道，你们对这次事件难以理解。但是像这样悲痛的事情时有发生。这次事件仅仅是科学家探索及求知进程的一部分，仅仅是大胆尝试及开拓人类视野过程的一部分。未来不属于懦夫，而属于勇敢的人。"挑战者"号的七位英雄把我们往未来推进了一大步，我们将继续追随他们的足迹前进。
我一直都对我们的航天计划充满信心和敬意，今天发生的悲剧也不会使其有丝毫逊色。我们没有隐藏我们的航天计划，也没有故作神秘，向外界隐瞒情况。我们是在外界和公众面前进行航天计划的。这是自由世界的做法，我们将始终不渝。
我们将继续太空探索，因此，将会有更多的航天飞机起飞和更多的宇航人员，毫无疑问，也将会有更多的志愿者，更多的平民和更多的教师进入太空。探索并不因此而终结，我们的希望和太空旅程将继续下去。
在此，我寄语在美国航空航天局工作的每一个人，以及致力于这一任务的所有工作人员："多年来，我们为你们的献身精神及敬业作风深受感动。我们理解你们的悲痛，让我们来共同承受它。"
今天有一个历史巧合。在390年前的今天，伟大的探险家弗朗西斯·德雷克爵士在巴拿马海岸外的一艘船上逝世。在他的有生之年，他那伟大的探索疆域是海洋。后来有位历史学家评价道："弗朗西斯生于海洋，死于海洋，并葬于海洋。"是的，今天，我们也可以这样评价"挑战者"号全体机组人员：他们的献身精神与德雷克毫无二致。
"挑战者"号航天飞机全体机组人员对待生命的态度使我们倍感荣耀。我们永远都不会忘记他们，我们也永不会忘怀今天早上我们最后一次见到他们时的情景：那时他们正在为他们的旅行作准备，挥手向我们道别，然后"滑离地球倨傲的束缚"，前往"轻触上帝的脸颊"。
谢谢!
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< cla>
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< cla>简评：
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< cla>1"We"ve grown used to wonders in this century"这里"used"可以用作形容词，意指习惯于(accustomed)，它的前面一般接各时态的be，become或get，后面接介词to+名词／代词或动名词。而这里用grow而不用be，become或get，强调的是习惯的过程而不是结果；
这就是语言的微妙之处，
2"slipped the surly bonds of earth" to"touch the face of God．"巧妙的引用，将宇航员出发前幸福荣耀的一幕重新呈现在人们的眼前，给人们特别是死者家属一个美好的回忆，以此抚慰他们受伤的心灵。
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< cla>Richard M. Nixon (1913-1994)
Facts Years as President: 1969-1974
Party affiliation: Republican
Schools: Duke University Law School
Occupations before President: California Representative, Senator, Vice President
Did you know: The first President who was forced to resign in American history due to the Watergate scandal
提示一：理查德·尼克松是一位公认的外交政策领袖，也是美国历史上第一位辞职的总统，而且是由于被弹劾而辞职的总统。
提示二：具有特殊影响的美国政治人物，是打开中美关系大门的第一位美国总统。
1952年，艾森豪威尔竞选美国总统，年轻的参议员尼克松是竞选副总统的伙伴。正当尼克松为竞选四处奔波时，《纽约时报》突然披露尼克松在竞选中秘密受贿的新闻，消息不胫而走，给共和党的竞选带来极为不利的影响。为摆脱困境，共和党开支7.5万美元让尼克松在电台上向全国作半个小时的讲话，让他来澄清事实，取得选民的理解。
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< cla>
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< cla>英文
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< cla>My Side of the Story
- Excerpted from Checkers
Delivered on September 23, 1952
My Fellow Americans,
I come before you tonight as a candidate for the Vice Presidency and as a man whose honesty and integrity has been questioned.
Now, the usual political thing to do when charges are made against you is to either ignore them or to deny them without giving details. I believe we"ve had enough of that in the United States, particularly with the present
Administration in Washington D.C.. To me the office of the Vice Presidency of the United States is a great office, and I feel that the people have got to have confidence in the integrity of the men who run for that office and who might obtain it.
I have a theory, too, that the best and only answer to a smear or to an honest misunderstanding of the facts is to tell the truth. And that"s why I am here tonight. I want to tell you my side of the case.
I"m sure that you have read the charge, and you"ve heard it, that I, Senator Nixon, took $18,000 from a group of my supporters. Now, was that wrong? And let me say that it was wrong. I am saying it, incidentally(附带的，顺便提及(=by the way)), that it was wrong, not just illegal, because it isn"t a question of whether it was legal or illegal, that isn"t enough. The question is, was it morally wrong? I say that it was morally wrong, if any of that $18,000 went to Senator Nixon, for my personal use. I say that it was morally wrong if it was secretly given, and secretly handled. And I say that it was morally wrong if any of the contributors got special favors for the contributions that they made.
And now to answer those questions let me say this: not one cent of the $18,000 or any other money of that type ever went to me for my personal use. Every penny of it was used to pay for political expenses that I did not think should be charged to the taxpayers（纳税人） of the United States.
And so now, that I am going to do, and incidentally this is unprecedented(空前的) in the history of American politics, I am going at this time to give to this television and radio audience, a complete financial history, everything I"ve earned, everything I"ve spent, everything I owe. And I want you to know the facts.
I"ll have to start early. I was born in 1913. Our family was one of modest circumstances, and most of my early life was spent in a store out in East Whittier. It was a grocery(食品杂货店) store, one of those family enterprises. The only reason we were able to make it go was because my mother and dad had five boys, and we all worked in the store. I worked my way through college, and, to a great extent, through law school. And then in 1940, probably the best thing that ever happened to me happened. I married Pat who is sitting over here. We had a rather difficult time after we were married, like so many of the young couples who may be listening to us. I practiced law. She continued to teach school.
Then, in 1942, I went into the service. Let me say that my service record was not a particularly unusual one. I went to the South Pacific. I guess I"m entitled to a couple of battle stars. I got a couple of letters of commendation. But I was just there when the bombs were falling. And then I returned-returned to the United States, and in 1946, I ran for the Congress. When we came out of the war- Pat and I-Pat during the war had worked as a stenographer(速记员), and in a bank, and as an economist for a Government agency-and when we came out, the total of our savings, from both my law practice, her teaching and all the time that I was in the war, the total for that entire period was just a little less than $10,O00-every cent of that, incidentally, was in government bonds. Well that"s where we start, when I go into politics.
Now, what have I earned since I went into politics? Well, here it is. I"ve jotted it down. Let me read the notes.
Well, that"s about it. That"s what we have. And that"s what we owe. It isn"t very much. But Pat and I have the satisfaction that every dime that we"ve got is honestly ours. I should say this, that Pat doesn"t have a mink coat. But she does have a respectable Republican cloth coat, and I always tell her that she"d look good in anything.
One other thing I probably should tell you, because if I don"t they"ll probably be saying this about me, too. We did get something, a gift, after the election. A man down in Texas heard Pat on the radio mention the fact that our two youngsters would like to have a dog. And believe it or not, the day before we left on this campaign trip we got a message from Union Station in Baltimore, saying they had a pack- age for us. We went down to get it. You know what it was? It was a little cocker spaniel dog, in a crate that he had sent all the way from Texas, black and white, spotted, and our little girl Tricia, the six- year-old, named it Checkers. And you know, the kids, like all kids, love the dog, and I just want to say this, right now, that regardless of what they say about it, we"re gonna keep it.
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< cla>
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< cla>中文
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< cla>我的真买故事
--节选自(切克斯)
发表于1952年9月23日
我亲爱的同胞们：
今天晚上我出现在你们面前，既是作为一名副总统侯选人，也是作为一个其诚实与诚信已受到质疑的人。
现今，当你受到指控时，通常采取的政治行动，或者是不加理会，或者是不提供任何细节地否认。我相信我们已经受够了这 种态度，尤其不能忍受当今华盛顿政府的做法。对我而言，美国副总统这一位置是个要职，而且我认为，人们必须对竞选这一职位以及可能获得该职的侯选人的诚信充满信心。
我还有个观点，那就是，对待中伤或对事实的无辜误解，最好的且唯一的回应就是说明真相。这就是我为什么今晚会在这里出现的原因。我希望告诉你们该事件中我的真实情况。
相信你们已经了解关于对我的指控，也听说我--参议员尼克松--接受了一群支持者的1.8万美元现金。那么，这种做法是错误的吗?我认为这样做是错的。我现在顺便说一下，这样做是错的，而不仅仅是否违法，因为这不是合法与不合法的问题，这还不够。这是否是道德上的错误呢?如果这1.8万美元里有一美分被尼克松议员为个人花费而动用，那么，收受这些钱在道德上是错误的；
如果这笔现金是秘密给予并秘密处置的，那么，收受这些钱在道德上是错误的；
如果现金捐赠者当中的任何一人从捐赠中得到了特殊优惠，那么，收受这些钱在道德上是错误的。
现在，为了解答上述问题，我可以说：这1.8万美元或与其类似的任何款项中，没有一美分进了我的口袋而被我私人所用的。这笔捐赠的每一美分都用在了政治开销上，因此，我认为不应该为此接受美国纳税人的指控。
因此，现在我要做的是--美国政治史上前所未有的--我在此时此刻向所有电视观众及广播听众，提供我完整的财务历史，包括我所挣的一切和我所花的一切，我目前的贷款和应付的利息，以及我所拥有的所有财产。我希望你们了解事实。
我将不得不从头讲起。我出生于 1913年，我家家风朴实。我的童年大部分时间在东惠蒂尔(在加州)市郊的一家店铺度过。那是家族企业中的一家杂货店。我们能够使杂货店经营下去的唯一原因在于：我父母有五个男孩，我们家人都在店里工作。在整个大学生涯里，我一直努力学习，心无旁骛，从某种程度说，在法学院也是如此。直到1940年，或许是发生在我身上的最美好的事情发生了：我娶了帕特，她现在就坐在那里。我们婚后有一段非常困难的时期，就像可能正在聆听我的演说的许多年轻夫妇一样。我从事法律事务，我妻子继续教书。
然后在1942年，我去服兵役。我想说我的军旅记录并不是特别出色。我出征至南太平洋，我估计我有资格被授予若干战场之星的勋章。
我得到若干推荐信。那时我刚在那儿，原子弹就在日本落下了。随后我返回国内，在1946年，我竞选国会议员的席位。当我们--我的妻子帕特和我--从战事中抽身而出时：帕特在战争中的工作是个速记员，也在银行工作过，还在某政府机构中担任过经济从业人员，我们俩当时的储蓄总额，包括了我从事法律事务的收入，她的教师收入及我在战争期间的收入，这段时间内的总储蓄还不足1万美元。顺便说一句，这笔钱的每一美分都用于购买政府公债。那是当我进入政坛时，我们夫妇的起点。
现在，我将列举我步入政坛后所赚取的每一样东西。我将其略记于下。让我读一读这张条子吧。
(中间的删节是他从政后最详细的财政清单)
情况大致如此，上述就是我们的财产及我们的负债状况。这并不值得夸耀，但帕特和我很满意，因为我们赚取的每一毛钱都是诚实劳动所得。我应该澄清的是，帕特并没有貂皮大衣。但她拥有值得尊敬的共和党员身份大衣，而我则通常告诉她，她穿什么都好看。
我可能应该告诉你们的另一件事情是，因为如果我不这么做，他们很可能会就此喋喋不休。选举后，我们确实得到某样东西--一件礼物。一位住在得克萨斯州的男士听到帕特在广播中谈到，我们的两个女儿希望养只狗。信不信由你，就在我们离家开始进行竞选旅行的当天，我们接到了来自巴尔的摩联合车站的一则消息说是他们那有我们的一个包裹，我们就去取了。你们知道包裹里是什么吗?那是一条小小的西班牙库克狗，黑白点相间，由那位绅士(热心选民)用一只纸盒从得克萨斯一路寄来。我们的小女儿特里希娅，刚六岁，给小狗取名切克斯。如你们所知，我们的小孩像所有小孩一样，很喜欢这条小狗。我现在想说的是关于这只狗，无论他们怎么谈论它，我们都准备留住它。
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< cla>
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< cla>简评：
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< cla>1 "I am saying it, incidentally, that it was wrong, not just illegal,…"尼克松首先摆脱他收受1.8万元不是违法的问题，既而转到道德问题上来。这是政客通常伎俩。
2 I worked my way through college, and, to a great extent, through law school，在美国一般是读完大学本科之后，才能申请就读法学院，除非非常特殊的情况。所以这里的大学生涯与法学院时期是两个不同阶段。
3 该篇演讲原来的题目--"Checkers"是只小狗的名字。
4 尼克松的讲演获得巨大的成功，不仅澄清了事实，而且赢得了大批的同情和支持者。之所以取得这样的成功，有人评论说："一是真诚，二是纯朴。""真诚"和"纯朴"的特点固然有，但至关重要的是"谦逊"。可以说他丝毫没有副总统候选人的架子，而是以一个普通民众的身份出现在公众面前，公开自己的家庭生活与公众谈心，谈自己的愿望与缺憾，使大家感到真实可信，而那些具体的生活细节富有人情味，从心灵感动了听众，从而获得了他们的信任。
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< cla>Bill Clinton (1946-)
Facts Years as President: 1993-2001
State represented: Arkansas
Party affiliation: Democrat
Schools: Oxford University, Yale University
Occupations before President: Arkansas Attorney General, Governor
Did you know: The first Democratic president since Franklin D. Roosevelt won a second term.
提示一：克林顿具有出色的亲和力和独特的个人魅力，演说富有鼓动性。
提示二：他这一代人中最有天赋的政治家。
提示三：美国民主党的主要政治倾向之一，就是强调社会平等和种族平等，而克林顿则是在这方面走得最远的总统。
1998年8月17日晚，夜色中的白宫灯火通明。10时整，克林顿面色沉重地向全国发表电视讲话，就自己在莱温斯基性丑闻案中误导美国人民而向全国人民道歉，并对所发生的事情负全部责任，克林顿在白宫地图室发表的约5分钟的讲话事关其执政地位。克林顿本想"坦白从宽"，使绯闻案的调查画上句号，可反倒惹出了一连串新麻烦。美国多达44％的人表示失望。
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< cla>
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< cla>英文
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< cla>I Did Have a Relationship (But It"s Time to Move On)
Delivered on Aug. 17, 1998
Good evening.
This afternoon in this room, from this chair, I testified before the Office of Independent(独立检查官) Counsel and the grand jury.
As you know, in a deposition(质询)in January, I was asked questions about my relationship with Monica Lewinsky. While my answers were legally accurate, I did not volunteer(自愿提供) information. Indeed, I did have a relationship with Miss Lewinsky that was not appropriate. In fact, it was wrong. It constituted a critical lapse in judgment and a personal failure on my part for which I am solely and completely responsible.
But I told the grand jury today and I say to you now that at no time did I ask anyone to lie, to hide or destroy evidence or to take any other unlawful action. I know that my public comments and my silence about this matter gave a false impression. I misled people, including even my wife. I deeply regret that.
I can only tell you I was motivated by many factors. First, by a desire to protect myself from the embarrassment(局促不安，难堪) of my own conduct. I was also very concerned about protecting my family. The fact that these questions were being asked in a politically-inspired lawsuit(述讼（尤）指非刑事案的）, which has since been dismissed, was a consideration, too. In addition, I had real and serious concerns about an independent counsel investigation that began with private business dealings 20 years ago, dealings I might add about which an independent federal agency found no evidence of any wrongdoing(坏事，不道德行为) by me or my wife over two years ago. The independent counsel investigation moved on to my staff and friends, then into my private life. And now the investigation itself is under investigation. This has gone on too long, cost too much and hurt too many innocent people. Now, this matter is between me, the two people I love most-my wife and our daughter-and our God. I must put if right, and I am prepared to do whatever if takes to do so. Nothing is more important to me personally. But it is private, and I intend to reclaim my family life for my family. It"s nobody"s business but ours. Even presidents have private lives.
It is time to stop the pursuit of personal destruction and the prying into private lives and get on with our national life. Our country has been distracted(心烦意乱的) by this matter for too long, and I take my responsibility for my part in all of this. That is all I can do.
Now it is time-in fact, it is past time to move on. We have important work to do- real opportunities to seize, real problems to solve, real security matters to face. And so tonight, I ask you to turn away from the spectacle(引人羡慕(或好奇、轻视)的人或事物) of the past seven months, to repair the fabric of our national discourse, and to return our attention to all the challenges and all the promise of the next American century.
Thank you for watching. And good night.
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< cla>
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< cla>中文
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< cla>过去式的非正当关系
发表于1998年8月17日
晚上好。
今天下午，就是在这个房间里，坐在这个椅子上，我在独立检查官和大陪审团面前作了供词。
正如你们所知，我在1月的质询中被问到关于我和莫尼卡·莱温斯基关系的问题。尽管我的回答在法律上无可置否，但是我没有主动坦言一切。
其实，我确实与莱温斯基女士有不正当的关系。事实上，这种关系是错误的。对我来说，这是一个重大的判断失误和个人的失败，对此，我个人负全部责任。
但今天我告诉了大陪审团，现在我向你们说，我从未要任何人撒谎、隐瞒或销毁证据，或有其他不法行为。我知道我过去有关此问题的公开讲话及沉默给人产生了虚假的印象。我误导了人们，甚至包括我妻子，我对此深感懊悔。
我只能告诉你们是很多因素导致我这样做的。首先是出于避免自己的行为让自己出丑的欲望；
我也顾虑到保护自己的家庭：还有一个考虑就是事实上所有被问到的问题都与一个政治诉讼有关：另外，我的确担心独立检查官的调查从我们20多年前处理的法律事务开始，我叉开话题说的这件事(独立检察官斯塔尔当初是调查"白水门"案)，在两年前，联邦调查局已经没有找到任何证明我和我妻子违法的证据。独立检查官的调查转移到我的下属和朋友身边，进而是我的私生活。如今这调查本身也受到质疑。这些已经拖了太长时间、花了太多钱、伤及了太多无辜。现在，这是我和我最爱的两个人一一我妻子和女儿之间，还有神之间的事。我必须正确处理，并且我也打算无论如何都会这样做。对我个人而言，没有什么比我的私隐更重要的了，并且我想要为我的家人恢复家庭生活。它是我们自己的事情和任何人无关。即使是总统也得有私生活。
现在该是停止窥探他人隐私、毁灭他人，重新走上国家生活正轨的时候了。我们的国家在这件事上耽搁太多了，我也为此尽了责任，这已是我所能做的。
现在是时候了--事实上，早就应该向前看了。我们有重要的工作去做，有实际的机遇去抓住，有真正的问题去解决，有严峻的安全问题去面对。因此，今晚我请求你们从过去七个月的视线中离开，去恢复我们民族舆论的架构，重新关注下个世纪美国所面临的挑战和前途。
谢谢你们的观看。晚安。
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< cla>
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< cla>简评：
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< cla>1 Indeed, I did have a relationship with Miss Lewinsky that was not appropriate．这个did 在这里非常的巧妙，强调过去的确与莱温斯基有不正当性关系，但现在没有了。为后面话锋的转变进行铺垫。
2 Now it is time-in fact, it is past time to move on，话锋一转，从个人的私生活谈到国家大事，克林顿企图以此来将公众的视线从自己的性丑闻转到国家大事上。
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< cla>Eleanor Roosevelt (1884-1962)
Facts Years as First Lady: 1933-1945
Greatest accomplishment: Leading the composition of Universal Declaration of Human Rights
Did you know: The most influential member of the UN"s Commission on Human Rights
提示一：自其夫婿富兰克林·罗斯福总统辞世以来，超过三十年来她一直是全美最具权力的女性。
提示二：罗斯福夫人对促进社会正义与公平向来不遗余力，许多人都深受其影响。
1945年《联合国宪章》就明确地把"重申基本人权，人格尊严与价值以及男女与大小各国平等权利之信念"当作其重要宗旨。依据这种宗旨，联合国于1946年成立了人权委员会，并在富兰克林·罗斯福夫人的主持下，于1947年1月开始着手于《世界人权宣言》的起草工作。1948年12月10日在没有反对票的情况下，宣言获得通过，成为一个世界性的人权文件。
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< cla>
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< cla>英文
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< cla>Adoption of the Declaration of Human Rights
Delivered on December 9, 1948
Hr. President, fellow delegates:
The long and meticulous(注意细节的)study and de- bate of which this "Universal Declaration of Human Rights" is the product means that it reflects the composite(综合的) views of the many men and governments who have contributed to its formulation(规划，构想，制定). Not every man nor every government can have what he wants in a document of this kind. There are of course particular provisions(规定) in the declaration before us with which we are not fully satisfied. I have no doubt this is true of other delegations, and it would still be true if we continued our labors over many years. Taken as a whole the Delegation of the United States believes that this a good document-even a great document-and we propose to give it our full support.
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< cla>
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< cla>中文
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< cla>《世界人权宣言》获得通过
发表于1948年12月9日
主席先生，各位代表：
对《世界人权宣言》长期和周密的研究和争论，证明它是在其制订的过程中作出过努力的民众和政府的综合意见的反映。这类文献并不能满足所有的人和政府的愿望。宣言中还有一些特别条文未尽人意。毫无疑问，对于其他的代表团来说，这是事实；
即使我们多年坚持不懈努力，事实还是这样。美国代表团认为，从整体上来讲这是一部出色的文件--甚至是一部伟大的文件--我们将会给予它全力的 支持。
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< cla>Barbara Pierce Bush (1925-)
Facts The year she married Bush: 1945
Years as US first lady: 1989-1993
Contribution to the nation: Being Honorary Chairman of the Barbara Bush Foundation for Family Literacy and helping many causes, including the homeless, AIDS, the elderly, and school volunteer programs as a strong advocate of volunteerism
提示一：芭芭拉在丈夫的政治生涯中一直扮演重要的角色。她友善及直率的性格使其深得人心。
提示二：芭芭拉深受美国人民的爱戴，被誉为"大众的祖母"。她的白发，她的慈祥，她的热心给人一种温暖、和蔼可亲的感觉。
1990年，芭芭拉接受威尔斯利学院的邀请在该校的毕业典礼上发言。这一举动遭到该学院150名即将毕业学生的抗议。抗议者认为芭芭拉并无任何建树，只是嫁给了一位有名的丈夫而已。但抗议却为芭芭拉赢得了男女平等主义者的同情和支持， 他们认为芭芭拉所选择的是一条属于她自己、也适合她自己的人生道路，威尔斯利学院的邀请是对女性选择权的尊重。
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< cla>Commencement Address at Wellesley College (Excerption)
Delivered on June 1, 1990
Wellesley, you see, is not just a place but an idea-an experiment in excellence in which diversity (差异，多样性)is not just tolerated(忍受，容忍), but is embraced(包容，接受).
In the world that awaits you, beyond the shores of Lake Waban, no one can say what your true colors will be. But this I do know: You have a first class education from a first class school. And so you need not, probably cannot, live a "paint-by-numbers" life. Decisions are not irrevocable(不可取消的). Choices do come back. And as you set off from Wellesley, I hope that many of you will consider making three very special choices.
The first is to believe in something larger than yourself, to get involved in some of the big ideas of our time.
And early on I made another choice which I hope you"ll make as well. Whether you are talking about education, career, or service, you"re talking about life-and life really must have joy. It"s supposed to be fun! One of the reasons I made the most important decision of my life, to marry George Bush, is because he made me laugh. It"s true, sometimes we"ve laughed through our tears, but that shared laughter has been one of our strongest bonds. Find the joy in life, because as Ferris Bueller said on his day off, "Life moves pretty fast; and if ya don"t stop and took around once in a while, ya gonna miss it!" (I am not going to tell George ya clapped more for Ferris than ya clapped for George.)
The third choice that must not be missed is to cherish your human connections: your relationships with family and friends. For several years, you"ve had impressed upon you the importance to your career of dedication and hard work. And, of course, that"s true. But as important as your obligations as a doctor, a lawyer, a business leader will be, you are a human being first. And those human connections-with spouses, with children, with friends-are the most important investments you will ever make.
At the end of your life, you will never regret not having passed one more test, winning one more verdict, or not closing one more deal. You will regret time not spent with a husband, a child, a friend or a parent.
Maybe we should adjust faster; maybe we should adjust slower. But whatever the era whatever the times, one thing will never change: fathers and mothers, if you have children, they must come first. You must read to your children. And you must hug your children. And you must love your children. Your success as a family, our success as a society, depends not on what happens in the White House, but on what happens inside your house.
And who knows? Somewhere out in this audience may even be someone who will one day follow in my footsteps, and preside over the White House as the President"s spouse, and I wish him well!
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< cla>在威尔斯利学院1990年毕业典礼上的演讲(节选)
发表于1990年6月1日
如你所知，威尔斯利学院不仅仅是一个地方，更是一种理念--精益求精，兼容并包。
在等待着你们的世界里，在华班湖畔之外(威尔斯利院校之湖)，没有人知道你们的人生本色将是什么，但有一点我是确信无疑的：你们已经在一所一流院校里接受了一流的教育。因此你们无须，或者说不会过一种"数字堆砌"的枯燥生活。决定并不是覆水难收的，人生总有峰回路转之时。在你们离开威尔斯利开始新的旅程之际，我希望你们中许多人愿意考虑作出以下三个非常特殊的抉择。
第一个选择是：超越小我，寻找大我，投身于一些你所在的时代下伟大的信念之中。
早年，我作出了另一个抉择，希望你们也会这么做。不管你是在谈论教育、事业，还是服务，你都在谈论着生活。生活必不可少的是乐趣，生活中必须充满欢乐!我作出我生命中最重要的决定--嫁给乔治·布什--的原因之一在于：他使我欢笑。这是千真万确的。有些时候我们还曾笑出了眼泪。共同的欢笑已经是我们之间紧密的纽带之一。寻找生活中的乐趣吧，正如弗瑞斯·巴勒在他弥留之际所言："生命稍纵即逝，如果你不曾停驻，不曾环顾，就将要失去它了!"(我不打算告诉乔治，你们给弗瑞斯的掌声要比给他的多。)
第三个不可忽略的抉择是：珍惜你的人际关系：你和你的家人及朋友之间的关系。在过去的数年里，你们已将献身工作及辛勤工作对个人事业的重要性铭刻子心。当然，这是应该的。即使你肩上的责任将重要如医生、律师、商界领袖，但你首先是一个人，那些人与人的关系--与配偶的，与孩子的，与朋友的--是你将要进行的投资中最重要的。
在你生命的弥留之际，你将不会为少通过一场考试、少赢一场官司、少做一笔买卖而后悔。你将会为没花时间陪陪你的丈夫、孩子、朋友或父母而追悔。
现在，也许你们应该适应得快一些，也许你们应该适应得慢一些，但不管时代如何，潮流如何，有一样东西是永远不会变更的：那就是父母的拳拳爱心。如果你有小孩，你必须将他们放在第一位。请给你的孩子讲讲故事，多点抱抱他们，好好亲亲你孩子。你的家庭的成功维护，继而我们社会的顺利运转，并不取决于国事，而是取决于你的家事。
谁知道呢?说不准观众席的某处，某一位仁兄将有一天踏上我所走的路，作为总统配偶在白宫主持事务呢?我祝愿他如愿以偿!
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< cla>简评：
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< cla>1 两个regret后面跟名词或动名词时，它的否定形式有两种．所表达的意思也完全不同．当not或never等表示否定的词语放在regret的前面时，是对regret这一动作的否定，表示"不为……而感到遗憾"而当否定词紧跟其后时．所否定的是它的宾语通过对比来突出良好的家庭氛围及人际关系对人生的重要意义芭芭拉一直将家庭生活放在社会生活的第一位她认为个人对社会的爱，源于他对家庭的爱。
2 最后一段用him也许是别有用意
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< cla>Barbara Jordan (1936-1996)
Facts Occupations: Texas Senator, member of the U.S. House of Representatives
Appointment after retirement: Professor at University of Texas-Austin
Best known as: Keynote speaker at Democratic National Convention
Awards: Presidential Medal of Freedom
Did you know: One of two African American women in the graduating class of 1959
The first African American elected to the Texas. Senate since Reconstruction
First black woman to head any American state government
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< cla>提示一：芭芭拉·乔丹是美国历史上著名的演说家和辩论家，也是美国历史上首位来自南部地区的非洲裔国会女议员。
提示二：作为20世纪最有影响力的女性之一，芭芭拉·乔丹的名字被载入美国国家妇女名人录。
1976年，芭芭拉·乔丹作为民主党国家大会的政策发言人，在会上发表激情洋溢的演说，并提名吉米·卡特为总统候选人。芭芭拉·乔丹的演讲充满动力， 获得听众的一致好评。
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< cla>英文
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< cla>Who Then Will Speak for the Common Good?
- Excerpted from 1976 Democratic National
Convention Keynote Address
Delivered on July 12, 1976
As a first step, we must 1)restore our belief in ourselves. We are a generous people so why can"t we be generous with each other? We need to take to heart the words spoken by Thomas Jefferson: "Let us restore the social 2)intercourse, let us restore to social intercourse that 3)harmony and 4)affection without which liberty and even life are but dreary things."
A nation is formed by the willingness of each of us to share in the responsibility for upholding the common good. A government is 5)invigorated when each one of us is willing to participate in shaping the future of this nation. In this election year we must define the common good and begin again to shape a common future. Let each person do his or her part. If one citizen is unwilling to participate, all of us are going to suffer. For the American idea, though it is shared by all of us, is realized in each one of us.
And now, what are those of us who are elected public officials supposed to do? We call ourselves public servants but I"ll tell you this: We as public servants must set an example for the rest of the nation. It is 6)hypocritical for the public official to admonish and exhort the people to uphold the common good if we are 7)derelict in upholding the common good. More is required. More is required of public officials than 8)slogans and handshakes and press releases. More is required. We must hold our- selves strictly 9)accountable. We must provide the people with a vision of the future.
If we promise as public officials, we must deliver. If we as public officials propose, we must produce. If we say to the American people it is time for you to be sacrificial, 10)sacrifice. If the public official says that, we [public officials] must be the first to give. We must be. And again, if we make mistakes, we must be willing to admit them. We have to do that. What we have to do is strike a balance between the idea that government should do everything and the idea, the belief, that government ought to do nothing. Strike a balance. Let there be no 11)illusions about the difficulty of forming this kind of a national community. It"s tough, difficult, not easy. But a spirit of harmony will survive in America only if each of us remembers that we share a common destiny. If each of us remembers when self-interest and bitterness seem to 12)prevail that we share a common destiny.
I have confidence that we can form this kind of national community. I have confidence that the Democratic Party can lead the way. I have that confidence.
Now, I began this speech by commenting to you on the uniqueness of a Barbara Jordan making a keynote address. Well l am going to close my speech by quoting a Re- publican President and I ask you that as you listen to these words of Abraham Lincoln, relate them to the concept of a national community in which every last one of us participates: "As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This expresses my idea of Democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the extent of the difference, is no Democracy."
Thank you!
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< cla>谁来为公共利益奔走呐喊?
--节选自《1976年民主党全国大会专题演讲》
发表干1976年7月1 2日
第一步，我们必须重建自信。既然我们是大度的民族，为什么我们相互之间不能慷慨以待呢?托马斯·杰弗逊的话值得我们铭记："让和谐与友爱回归到我们的社会交往中，否则，自由乃至生活都只不过是些枯燥乏味的东西。"
一个国家的构成是由我们每一个人共同承担支持公共利益的责任的意愿所实现的。一个政府的强大，就只有通过我们每一个人都致力于建设这个国家的未来的时候。在今年这个选举年，我们必须界定公共利益，从而开始着手建设共同的将来。这要求每个人各司其职。只要有一个人不愿意参与，我们所有人都会遭殃。因为，我们的美国梦，尽管是我们人人分享，但也是要我们人人去实现的。
那么，现在我们这些公选的官员应该做些什么呢?我们自称为公仆，我将告诉你：作为公仆，我们必须以身作则，成为国家的榜样。如果公务官员劝谕、勉励公众支持、维护公共利益，而自己却玩忽职守，那么这是极其伪善的做法。当一个好的公务员，不是喊喊口号、握握手、发布一下新闻就够了，这是远远不够的。我们必须严守职责，并向公众描绘未来的蓝图。
作为公务员，我们一旦作出承诺就必须履行，一旦定下政策就必须落实，一旦向美国人民宣告为国赴难的时刻到了，如果我们这样说了，我们就必须身先士卒，必须这样。然而，一旦公务人员犯下错误，我们必须勇于承认，我们非这样不可。同时，我们必须在政府究竟是全能的还是无能的这两种理念之间寻找一个平衡点。找寻平衡。我们不要对能轻而易举建立这种国家社区抱有任何幻想。这是一个充满艰难险阻的任务。但只要所有人都牢记我们将面临共同的命运，那追求和谐的精神就会在美国长存。尤其当自私自利和自怨自艾之风弥漫时，我们更应切记我们的命运密切相关。
我深信我们可以建立这样的国家社区。我深信民主党有能力担任建设社区的先锋。我对此深信不疑。
我是以点评芭芭拉·乔丹的专题演说的独特之处来作为这次发言的开头(考虑篇幅，演讲的真正开头作了删除)，现在，我引用一位共和党总统亚伯拉罕·林肯先生的话来结束我的发言。在我朗诵林肯的话的时候，请大家将他的话与我们每个人都将参与建设国家社区的理念联系起来："我既不愿意成为一个奴隶，也不愿意成为一个奴隶主。这是我对民主的理解。任何与之相违背的情况，根据其违背的程度不同，划分为非民主。"
谢谢!
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< cla>解释
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< cla>1) restore v. 恢复，重建
2) intercourse n. 交往，交流
3) harmony n. 协调，融洽
4) affection n. 友情，爱情
5) invigorate v. 鼓舞
6) hypocritical adj. 伪善的
7) derelict adj. 被抛弃了的
8) slogan n. 口号，标语
9) accountable adj. 应负责的，有责任的
10) sacrifice v. 牺牲
11) illusion n. 幻想
12) prevail v. 流行，盛行
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< cla>简评：
1 "common good"表示一种共同的利益，意思等同于"common benefit"，但前者更为口语化。
2 "Keynote Address"指专题性强、主旨突出的演讲，一般非常正规。
3 "We are a generous people so Why can"t we be generous With each other?"用否定反问的方式表达出更肯定的态度。比普通的肯定句"…so we can be generous with each other"更容易令听众产生同感。
4 大量运用重复，环环相扣，结构非常紧凑，请细细品味。
5 用历史上杰出总统的著名言论作为开场白及结尾语，为自己所表达的思想提供了有力的论据。
William(Bill) H. Gates (1955-)
Facts Occupations: Chairman and chief software architect of Microsoft Corporation
Schools: Harvard University (dropped out in his junior year)
Age at which he began programming computers: 13
The year he begun Microsoft Corporation: 1975
提示一：
盖茨是个典型的工作狂，这种品质从他在湖滨中学时期就已表现得淋漓尽致，无论是在电脑房钻研电脑．还是玩扑克．他都是废寝忘食。不知疲倦．
提示二：
盖茨的远见和丰富的想象力成为微软和软件工业成功的关键．
提示三：
盖茨对电脑软件技术的进步和发展作出了不可磨灭的杰出贡献．
1997年12月11日、1 2日，微软公司董事长兼首席执行官比尔·盖茨专程来京出席首次在中国举办的"微软专业开发人员大会"(PDC)并作专题讲演。
英文
Keynote Speech
Delivered on December 11, 1997
Good morning. It"s a great pleasure to be here. Today is a major 1)milestone for Microsoft as our first Developers" Conference here in China. The key partnerships we build with software developers around the world are central not only to the success of Windows but also to realize the great possibilities that PC technology provides. It is through applications of every variety that businesses will be using the personal computer as the tool of the Information Age.
Microsoft has a vision for where the PC is going. And that vision says that PCs will become a central element of how companies share information inside the company. The name of that vision is the so-called Digital Nervous System (DNS), allowing companies to reduce paper work and make better decisions. The Digital Nervous System means that not only do you have the PCs and they are connected together, and not only do you have standard elements, like electronic mail, but also you really thought carefully about what information is important, and so all of the processes-order taking, sales planning, personnel management, project management-all of those have been set up to take full advantage of the capabilities of the computer.
Another major vision that Microsoft has is that writing programs, writing the applications for these machines needs to get very easy and we need to be able to do it, so we can write programs that run across the entire Internet, which is millions of machines. And so this is a new approach to programming that draws on what was done previously. DNS says that developers should be able to focus on their particular task and not have to learn a lot about management of the machine resources.
Great chips and systems developed by our partners who are here with us sponsoring this event, make this all possible. And there is an incredible opportunity for developers. The applications that are written today will sell to an even larger base of machines out in the market. There is a lot that we are doing to increase the work with developers-make sure they understand where the PC is going and how tools can help them and even helping them now, more and more with marketing type activities making sure they get out in with the customers.
And this is something that we are just going to increase year after year, after year. And so the overall DNS message is one about helping developers seize that opportunity, bringing together the different architectures, making things automatic and allowing this to be done in a great 2)evolutionary fashion. And so I think it is a fantastic time to be a developer and we appreciate your being here and look forward to the opportunity to work with you more.
Thank you.
中文
主题演讲
发表子1997年12月11日
早晨好。非常高兴与大家共聚一堂。今天，在这里举行微软中国第一届开发人员大会，是微软公司的一个重要里程碑。我们与全球软件开发人员建立的伙伴关系不仅是微软视窗取得成功的关键，而且使个人计算机技术提供的各种潜在价值成为现实。通过程序在各个领域的应用，个人计算税将成为企业在信息时代的一个工具。
微软对个人计算机的未来走向有一个设想。根据该设想，个人计算机将成为公司内部信息共享的核心。这一设想的名称就是数字神经系统(DNS)，它能使公司减少书面文书工作，制定更好的决策。数字神经系统的作用不仅把个人计算机连接起来，也不仅是你将拥有类似电子邮件选样的标准配置，而且意味着你能够认真地考虑什么是重要的信息。这样的话，诸如订单处理、销售计划、人事管理以及项目管理等，所有这些过程都已经建立起来，可以全面利用计算机的功能。
微软的另一个主要设想是把编写应用程序这项工作变得很容易，这样程序就可以在连接数以百万计的计算机所联结的互联网上运行。和以前的编程不同，这是一个新的做法，有了DNS，开发人员可以集中精力从事其特定的任务，而且不需要学习很多机器资源管理的知识。
这一活动的主办者之一是我们的合作伙伴，他们开发的系统再加上优异的芯片将使所有这一切成为可能。这是开发人员的一次极好机会。今天编写的应用程序将卖给市场上更多的计算机使用者。我们正在做许多工作以增加好的开发人员的工作，确保他们理解个人计算机的走向，让他们知道目前的工具能为他们提供什么样的帮助，以及让他们参加越来越多的促销类型的活动，使他们与顾客保持良好的关系。
这就是我们年复一年所寻求增加的东西。发展整个DNS的目的就是通过结合不同的体系结构、实现任务自动化以及允许以一种发展的方式完成这一工作，帮助开发人员抓住机会。因此我认为，这是一个开发人员可以大展才华的时代，感谢你们的光临并希望有机会与你们进行更多的合作。
谢谢!
解释
1) milestone n.里程碑（标）
2) evolutionary adj. 进化的
【篇三】美国总统著名演讲
Highlights of U.S. Presidential Inauguration Addresses
1
All, too, will bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will to be rightful must be reasonable; that the minority possesses their equal rights, which equal law must protect, and to violate would be oppression. … Sometimes it is said that man cannot be trusted with the government of himself. Can he, then, be trusted with the government of others? Or have we found angels in the forms of kings to govern him? Let history answer this question.
…Still one thing more, fellow citizens, a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government, and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities.
2
In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it."
I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.
3
With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation"s wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.
4
I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.
So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
5
You have given me a great responsibility—to stay close to you, to be worthy of you, and to exemplify what you are. Let us create together a new national spirit of unity and trust. Your strength can compensate for my weakness, and your wisdom can help to minimize my mistakes.
…We are a strong nation, and we will maintain strength so sufficient that it need not be proven in combat—a quiet strength based not merely on the size of an arsenal, but on the nobility of ideas.
We will be ever vigilant and never vulnerable, and we will fight our wars against poverty, ignorance, and injustice—for those are the enemies against which our forces can be honorably marshaled. … Because we are free we can never be indifferent to the fate of freedom elsewhere. Our moral sense dictates a clear-cut preference for these societies which share with us an abiding respect for individual human rights.
6
You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time. Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation? We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow. And let there be no misunderstanding — we are going to begin to act, beginning today. The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades. They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away. They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.
7
Our founders saw themselves in the light of posterity. We can do no less. Anyone who has ever watched a child"s eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is. Posterity is the world to come—the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility. We must do what America does best; offer more opportunity to all and demand more responsibility of all. It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other. Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and for our families but for our communities and for our country.
8
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America"s leaders have come before me, and so many will follow. We have a place, all of us, in a long story--a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.
It is the American story--a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals. The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.
...Through much of the last century, America"s faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations. America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
【篇四】美国总统著名演讲
美国总统就职演讲稿
【篇一：美国总统就职演讲稿】
美国总统就职演讲稿
参议院和众议院的同胞们：
在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，国家召唤我出任此职，对于她的召唤，我永远只能肃然敬从；
而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。另一方面，国家召唤我担负的责任如此重大和艰巨，足以使国内最有才智和经验的人度德量力，而我天资愚饨，又无民政管理的实践，理应倍觉自己能力之不足，因而必然感到难以肩此重任。怀着这种矛盾心情，我唯一敢断言的是，通过正确估计可能产生影响的各种情况来克尽厥职，乃是我忠贞不渝的努力目标。我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在执行这项任务时因陶醉于往事，或因由衷感激公民们对我的高度信赖，因而受到过多影响，以致在处理从未经历过的大事时，忽视了自己的无能和消极，我的错误将会由于使我误人歧途的各种动机而减轻，而大家在评判错误的后果时；
也会适当包涵产生这些动机的偏见。
我从这些高贵品格中看到了最可靠的保证：其一，任何地方偏见或地方感情，任何意见分歧或党派敌视，都不能使我们偏离全局观点和公平观点，即必须维护这个由不同地区和利益所组成的大联合；
因此，其二，我国的政策将会以纯洁而坚定的个人道德原则为基础，而自由政府将会以那赢得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特点而显示其优越性。我对国家的一片热爱之心激励着我满怀喜悦地展望这幅远景，因为根据自然界的构成和发展趋势，在美德与幸福之间，责任与利益之间，恪守诚实宽厚的政策与获得社会繁荣幸福的硕果之间，有着密不可分的统一；
因为我们应该同样相信，上帝亲自规定了水恒的秩序和权利法则，它决不可能对无视这些法则的国家慈祥地加以赞许；
因为人们理所当然地、满怀深情地、也许是最后一次把维护神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命运，系于美国人所遵命进行的实验上。
我已将有感于这一聚会场合的想法奉告各位，现在我就要向大家告辞；
但在此以前，我要再一次以谦卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝给予帮助。因为承蒙上帝的恩赐，美国人有了深思熟虑的机会，以及为确保联邦的安全和促进幸福，用前所未有的一致意见来决定政府体制的意向；
因而，同样明显的是，上帝将保佑我们扩大眼界，心平气和地进行协商，并采取明智的措施，而这些都是本届政府取得成功所必不可少的依靠。
【篇二：美国总统就职演说名言】
美国历任总统就职演说名句（一）
*我对我祖国的召唤，永远只能敬奉如仪。
*同胞们：我再度奉人民之召执行总统职务.只要适当时机一到,我将会尽力表现出我心中对这份殊荣及美利坚人民对我的信任所怀有的崇高的感受。宪法规定总统在执行公务之前,需先行宣誓就职。现在我在你们面前宣誓:在我执掌政府期间，若企图故意触犯法律,除承受宪法惩罚外,还接受在现在这个庄严的仪式中所有见证人的严厉谴责。
fellow citizens:
i am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its chief magistrate. when the occasion proper for it shall arrive, i shall endeavor to express the high sense i entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of united america.
previous to the execution of any official act of the president the constitution requires an oath of office. this oath i am now about to take, and in your presence: that if it shall be found during my administration of the government i have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof, i may (besides incurring constitutional punishment) be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.
*像我们这样的政府,不论存在多久，都是全人类知识与道德普遍传播的证明。
the existence of such a government as ours for any length of time is a full proof of a general dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole body of the people.
*当一个并非尽善尽奏的人从这个职位卸任时，很少能像就任时那样深浮众望。
i have learnt to expect that it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man to retire from this station with the reputation and the favor which bring him into it.
*让我们恢复社会的和谐与友爱，因为没有它们，自由甚至生活本身，就将成为枯燥而无味的事情。
let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.
*与各国和平相处，加强商业往来，并保持真诚的友谊,但不与任何国家结盟。
peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none.
*在宝贵的新闻自由与败坏新闻道德之间，并无一条明确的界限。
no other definite line can be drawn between the inestimable liberty of the press and its demoralizing licentiousness.
*如果世界还有公正可言，这些论断的真实性将不会受到怀疑，至少子孙后代对此会给予公正的评价。
if there be candor in the world, the truth of these assertions will not be questioned; posterity at least will do justice to them.
*如果我们能继续坚持目前已完成的事业,而且坚定地走已经开辟的路,我们一定会胜利。
if we persevere in the career in which we have advanced so far and in the path already traced , we can not fail.
*在调解现存的或可能发生的争端和冲突时，应表现出一个强国所具有的宽容而不能以一个英雄民族所固有的感情用事。
in the adjustment of may differences that may exist or arise to exhibit the forbearance becoming a powerful nation rather the sensibility belonging to a gallant people.
*人民不会抛弃一个坚守岗位、诚实尽力的公仆。
*真正的自由精神是奉献、坚定、勇敢、不妥协，但实行自由权利必须小心、温和、宽容。
the true spirit of liberty, although devoted, persevering, bold, and uncompromising in the principle , that secured is mild and tolerant and scrupulous as to the means it employs.
*我们的制度可以稳固地把我们的领土拓展到所能及的范围。
our system may be safely extended to the utmost bounds of our territorial limits.
*这一职位虽然可满足一种极高的奢望,但它所赋予的责任却是可畏的。
the position which i have been called to fill, though sufficient to satisfy the loftiest ambition, is surrounded by fearful responsibilities.
*虽然我们的历史有限,然而未来却是无穷的。
if your past is limited , your future is boundless
*我们必须以公正的态度对待所有国家,也要求它门以相同的态度对待我们。
从自然状态来说，我们是不可分的。我们不能相互分开，也不能在中间修筑道不可逾越的隔离墙。一对夫妻可以离婚，彼此不再见面，不再来往，但是我们国家的各个地区不能这样。它们仍得相互面对，并继续交往。
physically speaking, we can not separate. we can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them. a husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this. they can not but remain face to face , and intercourse , either amicable or hostile,
must continue between them.
*我们对任何人也不怀恶意，我们对所有的人都宽大为怀，坚持正义；
上帝既使我们认识正义，让我们继续努力向前，完成我们正在进行的事业；
包扎起国家的创伤，关心那些为战争作出牺牲的人，关心他们的遗孀和孤儿——尽一切力量，以求在我们自己之间，以及我们和所有的国家之间实现并维护一个公正和持久的和平。
with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as god gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nations wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.
*我将公正地与其他各国友好相处，像平等地对待个人一样。
i would deal with nations as equitable law requires individuals to deal with each other.
*我希望全国上下相互宽容，下定决心,为建立一个幸福联邦贡献自己的力量。
i ask patient forbearance one toward another throughout the land, and a determined effort on the part of every citizen to do his share toward cementing a happy union.
*我们不论在文化上还是在军事上都占有绝对优势.因此，我们应该宽厚地对待印第安人。过去不善待他们是应好好考虑的,应取得他们的信任。
our superiority of strength and advantages of civilization should make us lenient toward the indian. the wrong inflicted upon him should be taken into account and the balance placed to his credit.
*总统职位之争应本着友好、平和的原则予以调节,而且一旦这种调节、疏导的工作完成,全国上下就应该一致遵从。
conflicting claims to the presidency must be amicably and peaceably adjusted, and that when so adjusted the general acquiescence of the nation ought surely to fellow.
*问题悬而未决，万邦不得安宁
it has been said that unsettled questions have no pity for the repose of nations.
*通过以身作则,当然也要不失官事活动之庄重,来引导同胞们采取一种有助于廉正,并促进节俭和繁荣的简朴的生活方式。
may do much by their example to encourage, consistently with the dignity of their official functions, that plain way of life which among their fellow-citizens aids integrity and promotes thrift and prosperity.
*我们还没有达到理想的境界。并非所有的人都幸福富足，也非所有的人都行善守法。
we have not attained and ideal condition . not all of our people are happy and prosperous; not all of the
m are virtuous and law-abiding.
*我并不怀疑未来，在我们的道路上曾危机四伏，但我们已经发现并完全克服了它们。
i do not mistrust the future. dangers have been in frequent ambush along our path, but we have uncovered and vanquished them all.
*即使一个强壮的人,具有坚强的体魄,对生活有坚定而积极的追求,并敢于承受持久的劳动,也可能存在潜在的、不易发现的致命的疾病，从而使他突然倒下。
the strong man who in the confidence of sturdy health courts the sternest activities of life and rejoices in the hardihood of constant labor may still have lurking near his vitals the unheeded disease that dooms him to sudden collapse.
*如果对于我们的力量和资源不要太过于自信的话,会使,我们更明智。
we will be wise if we temper our confidence and faith in our national strength and resources with the frank concession.
*我们的任务不是惩罚，而是纠正错误.如果为了解除人民日常生活的负担,我们减少那些长期享有的、不正常的、不合理的待遇，这是基于正义和公正而采取的必要措施。
our mission is not punishment, but the rectification of wrong. if in lifting burdens from the daily life of our people we reduce inordinate and unequal advantages too long enjoyed, this is but a necessary incident of our return to right and justice.
*我们应该同时具备“观念的正确”和“行动的稳健”。
we must be both “sure wee right” and “make haste slowly”.
*节约是政府个部门任何时候都应遵守的原则.在目前工商业萧条、民心沮丧之际，尤其要强调这一原则。
economy is demanded in every branch of the government at all times. but especially in periods, like the present, of depression in business and distress among the people.
*值此入不敷出之时，举债之风,实不可长。
it will suffice while it lasts, but it can not last long while the outlays of the government are greater than its receipts.
*有利于生产者的立法，便是对全国有利的立法。
legislation helpful to producers is beneficial to all.
*诚实、才华和勤劳是公职人员最应具备的条件。
honesty, capacity, and industry are nowhere more indispensable than in public employment.
*“怀有希望并不可耻”。预言厄运的人并不是共和国建造者。
*我们享受了很多的给予，因此也完全有理由被期望承受很多的付出。
much has been given us, and much will rightfully be expected from us.
*不论是国家或个人,公正和宽厚都强者而不是弱者的表现。
but justice and generosity in a nation, as in individual, count most when shown not by the weak but the strong.
*我们希望和平，但这一和平必须是公正的和平，正义的。是因为我们认为那是正当的，而不是因为我们胆怯。
we wish peace, but we wish the peace of justice, the peace of righteousness. we wish it because we think it is right and not because we are afraid.
*我们不再遇到先辈们曾遇过的危险,但却正面临先辈们所未能预知的危险。
our forefathers faced certain perils which we have outgrown. we now face other perils, the very existence of which it was impossible that they should foresee.
*我们没有理由惧怕未来，却有足够的理由严肃地面对未来。
there is not good reason why we should fear the future, but there is every reason why we should face it seriously.
在美国44任、56届总统的就职演说中,留下了不少传诵后世的名篇。其中某些经典名言更是扬名天下,下面是笔者摘录其中的部分名句与网友资源共享。1月24日已经发布了(一)现在发布（二）,奥巴马就职演说全文已发于1月21日。
*我们的政策是对最卑微的人和最强有力的人一视同仁,并一心一意维护这一正义而公道的标准,我们为此而感到自豪.但我们对这一政策在实行中的不足之处,却非常粗心大意,而急于求成。
*公正，只有公正，才永远是我们的座右铭。
*我们已经完成的工作并不值得太骄傲，共同福祉才是我们努力的目标。
【篇三：历届美国总统就职演讲译文】
历届美国总统就职演讲译文(部分)
美国人民的实验
参议院和众议院的同胞们：
在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，国家召唤我出任此职，对于她的召唤，我永远只能肃然敬从；
而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。另一方面，国家召唤我担负的责任如此重大和艰巨，足以使国内最有才智和经验的人度德量力，而我天资愚饨，又无民政管理的实践，理应倍觉自己能力之不足，因而必然感到难以肩此重任。怀着这种矛盾心情，我唯一敢断言的是，通过正确估计可能产生影响的各种情况来克尽厥职，乃是我忠贞不渝的努力目标。我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在执行这项任务时因陶醉于往事，或因由衷感激公民们对我的高度信赖，因而受到过多影响，以致在处理从未经历过的大事时，忽视了自己的无能和消极，我的错误将会由于使我误人歧途的各种动机而减轻，而大家在评判错误的后果时；
也会适当包涵产生这些动机的偏见。
既然这就是我在遵奉公众召唤就任现职时的感想，那么，在此宣誓就职之际，如不热忱地祈求全能的上帝就极其失当，因为上帝统治着宇宙，主宰着各国政府，它的神助能弥补人类的任何不足，愿上帝赐福，侃佑一个为美国人民的自由和幸福而组成的政府，保佑它为这些基本目的而作出奉献，保佑政府的各项行政措施在我负责之下都能成功地发挥作用。我相信，在向公众利益和私人利益的伟大缔造者献上这份崇敬时，这些活也同样表达了各位和广大公民的心意。没有人能比美国人更坚定不移地承认和崇拜掌管人间事务的上帝。他们在迈向独立国家的进程中，似乎每走一步都有某种天佑的迹象；
他们在刚刚完成的联邦政府体制的重大改革中，如果不是因虔诚的感恩而得到某种回报，如果不是谦卑地期待着过去有所预示的赐福的到来，那么，通过众多截然不同的集团的平静思考和自愿赞同来完成改革，这种方式是不能与大多数政府的组建方式同日而语的。在目前转折关头，我产生这些想法确实是深有所感而不能自已，我相信大家会和我怀有同感，即除了仰仗上帝的力量，一个新生的自由政府别无他法能一开始就事事顺利。根据设立行政部门的条款，总统有责任“将他认为必要而妥善的措施提请国会审议”。但在目前与各位见面的这个场合，恕我不进一步讨论这个问题，而只提一下伟大的宪法，它使各位今天聚集一堂，它规定了各位的权限，指出了各位应该注意的目标。在这样的场合，更恰当、也更能反映我内心激情的做法是不提出具体措施，而是称颂将要规划和采纳这些措施的当选者的才能、正直和爱国心。我从这些高贵品格中看到了最可靠的保证：其一，任何地方偏见或地方感情，任何意见分歧或党派敌视，都不能使我们偏离全局观点和公平观点，即必须维护这个由不同地区和利益所组成的大联合；
因此，其二，我国的政策将会以纯洁而坚定的个人道德原则为基础，而自由政府将会以那赢得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特点而显示其优越性。我对国家的一片热爱之心激励着我满怀喜悦地展望这幅远景，因为根据自然界的构成和发展趋势，在美德与幸福之间，责任与利益之间，恪守诚实宽厚的政策与获得社会繁荣幸福的硕果之间，有着密不可分的统一；
因为我们应该同样相信，上帝亲自规定了水恒的秩序和权利法则，它决不可能对无视这些法则的国家慈祥地加以赞许；
因为人们理所当然地、满怀深情地、也许是最后一次把维护神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命运，系于美国人所遵命进行的实验上。
我已将有感于这一聚会场合的想法奉告各位，现在我就要向大家告辞；
但在此以前，我要再一次以谦卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝给予帮助。因为承蒙上帝的恩赐，美国人有了深思熟虑的机会，以及为确保联邦的安全和促进幸福，用前所未有的一致意见来决定政府体制的意向；
因而，同样明显的是，上帝将保佑我们扩大眼界，心平气和地进行协商，并采取明智的措施，而这些都是本届政府取得成功所必不可少的依靠。
确实，还有其他什么形式的政体，值得我们如此尊敬和热爱呢？
古代有一种很不严密的观念认为，人类聚集而形成城市和国家，是最令具有卓越见识的人感到愉悦的目标，但无可置疑的是，在善良的人们看来，任何国家所显示的情景，都比不上这里和另一议院所经常见到的集会更令人喜悦，更高尚庄严，或者说更令人敬畏；
政府的行政权和国会各个机构的立法权，是由同胞们定期选出的公民来行使的，其目的是为公众利益而制定和执行法律。难道官袍和钻石能为此增添实质性的东西吗？难道它们不就是一些装饰品吗？难道因运而生或通过远古制反而继承的权力，会比诚实而卓识的人民按自己的意愿和判断而产生的权力更可亲可敬吗？因为这样的政府唯一代表的是人民。它的各个合法机构，无论表现为何种形式，反映的都是人民的权利和尊严，并且只为人民谋利益。像我们这样的政府，不论其将存在多久，都是对知识和美德在全人类传播的充分证明。难道还有比这更令人喜悦的目标或构想能奉献给人类观念吗？如果说民族自豪感历来无可非议和情有可原，那么，这种自豪感必定不是来自权势和财富，不是来自豪华和荣耀，而是来自坚信民族的纯真、识见和仁爱。
当我们沉浸在这些愉快的想法时，如果任何片面或无关紧要的因素影响到自由、公平、高尚和独立的选举，使选举失去了纯洁性，使我们忽视自由所面临的危险，我们就会自欺欺人。如果选举需由一人一票的多数票来决定胜负，而一个政党可以通过欺骗和腐蚀来达到目的，那么这个政府就有可能是政党为自身目的而作出的选择，而下是国家为全国利益而作出的选择；
如果其他国家有可能通过奉承或胁迫，欺诈或暴力，通过恐怖、阴谋或收买等伎俩控制了这次选举，那么这个政府就可能不是美国人民作出的选择，而是其他国家作出的选择。那样，就可能是外国统治我们，而不是我们——人民——来管理自已，那样，公正的人士就会认识到，选择较之命运或机遇就未必更有优越性而下值得夸耀了。
这就是使人感到亲切和兴趣的政治体制（及其可能暴露的某些弊端）。8年来，美国人民在一位公民的领导下展现了这种政治体制，引起了各国贤达的赞赏或挂虑。这位公民为人谨慎、公正、节制、坚韧，长期以来，他以一系列伟大的行动，领导着一个为共同的美德所鼓舞、强烈的爱国心所激励的和热爱自由的民族，走向独立、和平、富强和空前鳖荣。他值得同胞们感恩戴德，他博得了世界各国的最高赞扬，他必将名垂千古。他自愿选择了隐退，愿他在隐退后长寿，愉快地回忆他供职时的情景，并享受人类对他的感激，享受他所作出的奉献给他本人和全世界带来的与日俱增的幸福果实，享受这个国家的未来命运决定的、正在逐年展开的光明前景。他的名字仍将是一道防线，他的长寿仍将是一座堡垒，抵御着一切危害国家安定的、公开的或暗藏的敌人。他的这一举动已得到国会两院、各州立法机构和全国人民的一致赞扬，并将成为继任者效法的榜样。
同心同德地团结起来
朋友们、同胞们：
我应召担任国家的最高行政长官，值此诸位同胞集会之时，我衷心感谢大家寄予我的厚爱，诚挚地说，我意识到这项任务非我能力所及，其责任之重大，本人能力之浅簿，自然使我就任时忧惧交加。一个沃野千里的新兴国家，带着丰富的工业产品跨海渡洋，同那些自恃强权、不顾公理的国家进行贸易，向着世人无法预见的天命疾奔——当我思考这些重大的目标，当我想到这个可爱的国家，其荣誉、幸福和希望都系于这个问题和今天的盛典，我就不敢再想下去，并面对这宏图大业自惭德薄能鲜。确实，若不是在这里见到许多先生们在场，使我想起无论遇到什么困难，都可以向宪法规定的另一高级机构寻找智慧、美德和热忱的源泉，我一定会完全心灰意懒。因此，负有神圣的立法职责的先生们和各位有关人士，我鼓起勇气期望你们给予指引和支持，使我们能够在乱世纷争中同舟共济，安然航行。
因此，让我们以勇气和信心，迫求我们自己的联邦与共和原则，拥戴联邦与代议制政府。我们受惠于大自然和大洋的阻隔，幸免于地球上四分之一地区发生的那场毁灭性浩动；
我们品格高尚，不能容忍他人的堕落；
们天赐良邦，其幅员足以容纳子孙万代；
我们充分认识到在发挥个人才干、以勤劳换取收入、受到同胞的尊敬与信赖上，大家享有平等的权利，但这种尊敬和信赖不是出于门第，而是出于我们的行为和同胞的评判；
我们受到仁慈的宗教的启迪，尽管教派不同，形式各异，但它们都教人以正直、忠诚、节制、恩义和仁爱；
我们承认和崇拜全能的上帝，而天意表明，他乐于使这里的人们得到幸福，今后还将得到更多的幸福——我们有了这些福祉，还需要什么才能够使我们成为快乐而兴旺的民族呢？公民们，我们还需要一件，那就是贤明而节俭的政府，它会制止人们相互伤害，使他们自由地管理自己的实业和进步活动，它不会侵夺人们的劳动果实。这就是良好政府的集粹，这也是我们达到幸福圆满之必需。
公民们，我即将履行职责，这些职责包括你们所珍爱的一切，因此，你们应当了解我所认为的政府基本原则是什么，确定其行政依据的原则又是什么。我将尽量扼要地加以叙述，只讲一般原则，不讲其种种限制。实行人人平等和真正的公平，而不论其宗教或政治上的地位或派别；
同所有国家和平相处、商务往来、真诚友好，而下与任何国家结盟，维护备州政府的一切权利，将它们作为我国最有权能的内政机构，和抵御反共和趋势的最可靠屏障；
维持全国政府在宪制上的全部活力，将其作为国内安定和国际安全的最后依靠；
忠实地维护人民的选举仅——将它作为一种温和而稳妥的矫正手段，对革命留下的、尚无和平补救办法的种种弊端予以矫正；
绝对同意多数人的决定，因为这是共和制的主要原则，反之，不诉诸舆论而诉诸武力乃是专制的主要原则和直接根源；
建立一支训练有来的民兵，作为平时和战争初期的最好依靠，直到正规军来接替；
实行文职权高于军职权；
节约政府开支，减轻劳工负担；
诚实地偿还债务，庄严地维护政府信誉；
鼓励农业，辅之以商业；
传播信息，以公众理智力准绳补偏救弊；
实行宗教自由；
实行出版自由和人身自由，根据人身保护法和公正选出陪审团进行审判来保证人身自由。这些原则构成了明亮的星座，它在我们的前方照闸，指引我们经历了革命和改革时朗，先皙的智慧和英雄的鲜血都曾为实现这些原则作出过奉献，这些原则应当是我们的政治信条，公民教育的课本，检验我们所信曹的人的工作的试金石，如果我们因一时错误或惊恐而背日这些原则，那就让我们赶紧回头，重返这唯一通向和平、自由和安全的大道。
各位公民，我即将担当起你们委派给我的职务。根据我担任许多较低职务的经验，我已经意识到这是最艰巨的职务，囵此，我能够预期，当一个并非尽善尽奏的人从这个职位卸任时，很少能像就任时那样深手众望。我不敢奢皇大家如同信任我们第一位最伟大的革命元勋那样对我高度信任，因为他的卓著勋劳使他最有资格受到全国的爱戳，使他在忠实的史书中占有汲辉煌的一页，我只要求大家给我相当的信任，使人足以坚定地、有效地依法管理大家的事务。由于判断有误，我会常常犯错误。即使我是正确的，那些不是站在统筹全局的立场上看问题的人，也会常常认为我是错误的，我请求你们宽容我自己犯的锗误，而这些错误决不是故意犯的，我请求你们支持我反对别人的错误，而这些人如果通盘考虑，也是决不会犯的。从投票结果来看，大家对我的过去甚为嘉许，这是我莫大的安慰；
今后我所渴望的是，力求赐予我好评的各位能保持这种好评，在我职权范围内为其他各位效劳以博得他们的好评，并为所有同胞们的幸福和自由而尽力。
现在，我仰承各位的好意，恭顺地就任此职，一旦你们觉得需要作出你们有权作出的更好的选择，我便准备辞去此职。愿主宰夭地万物命运的上帝引导我们的机构臻于完善，并为大家的和平与昌盛，赐给它一个值得赞许的结果。
关于一八一二年战争
美国一直没有宣战，直到出现了以下情况——直到这场加于美国的战争在实际上，尽管不是在名义上已进行了根久；
直到再也没有争辩和规劝的余地；
直到美国被明确地告知，无理挑衅不会中止；
直到这最后的呼吁不可再拖延，不然国家的精神就要崩溃，国家和政府机构的信心就要丧失，那样，就得永远忍受屈辱，否则就得付出更高昂的代价和经过更严酷的斗争，才能恢复我国作为独立国家的地位和尊严。
战争问题关系到我国在公海上的主权，关系到一个重要的公民阶层的安全，而这个阶层所从事的职业，对于其他公民阶层具有重要的价值。如果不为此而斗争，就是放弃我国在公海上与其他国家的同等地位，就是侵犯每一个社会成风所拥有的、保护自己的神圣权利。我不必强调指出，巡航官对我国水手为所欲为，迫使他们离开自己的船只而登上异国船只的不法行径，也不必渲染其中免不了的暴行。我国历届政府的记录中都留有证据，凡是同情心尚未泯灭的人们，都会在心中记住这部分美国人所蒙受的苦难。由于这场战争从根本上说是正义的，从目标上说是必要的和高尚的，所以，我们可以自豪而满意地表明，把这场战争继续下去，并没有侵犯公正或道义原则，并没有违背文明国家的惯例，也没有触犯礼仪或人道法则。我们是以严格尊重所有上述义务的态度，和空间高昂的自由精神来进行这场战争的。
第一次就职演讲
星期二,1817年3月4日
冲突不和不属于我们的制度
同胞们满怀信心地召唤我出任这一重要职务，令我十分感动，不然我就是一个缺乏感情的人。这表明同胞们甚为矗许我的公职行为，我对此感到心满意足，而唯有竭尽全力做了值得夸奖的工作的人，才能有这种威受。我能正确估计到这一职务的重要性以及承担这一义务的性质和范围，所以我对于正确地履行同我们这一伟大同由民族的崇高利益密切相连的义务的感受也随之而增加。由于意识到自己的不足，所以在开始履行这些义务时，我无法不对将来的结累裴示极大的忧虑。对应尽的责任我决不会裹足不前，我颇有信心地认为。只要我尽力促进公共福利，入门就始终会恰当地评价我的动机，而且会以公正和爱护的眼光来看待我的行为，就像我在其他职位上已经经历过的那样。
历任杰出总统在开始履行职责前有一个惯例，即明确阐述各自执政的指导原则。在仿效这些令人尊敬的榜样时,我自然把注意力集中于目前给合众国带来高度幸褔的那些主要原因。这些原因将能充分说明我们职责的性质，并且阐明我们将来必须推行的政策。
从独立革命至今几乎已过去40个春秋，而宪法的制定也已有鹏载。在此时期，我们的政府一直被强调为自治政府。其结果如何呢？无论我们将目光转向何处，不论是涉及到国外问题还是国内问题，我们都有足够的理由庆幸我们拥有优越的制度。在充满艰辛和非凡事件的岁月里，我们的合众国还是取得了空前的繁荣，公民们个个幸福欢乐，国家昌盛发达。
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【篇五】美国总统著名演讲
hello, everybody! thank you. thank you. thank you, everybody. all right, everybody go ahead and have a seat. how is everybody doing today? (applause.) how about tim spicer? (applause.) i am here with students at wakefield high school in arlington, virginia. and we’ve got students tuning in from all across america, from kindergarten through 12th grade. and i am just so glad that all could join us today. and i want to thank wakefield for being such an outstanding host. give yourselves a big round of applause. (applause.)
大家好！谢谢你们。谢谢你们。谢谢你们大家。好，大家请就坐。你们今天都好吗？（掌声）蒂姆·斯派塞（tim spicer）好吗？（掌声）我现在与弗吉尼亚州阿灵顿郡韦克菲尔德高中的学生们在一起。美国各地从小学预备班到中学12年级的学生正在收听收看。我很高兴大家今天都能参与。我还要感谢韦克菲尔德高中出色的组织安排。请为你们自己热烈鼓掌。（掌声）
i know that for many of you, today is the first day of school. and for those of you in kindergarten, or starting middle or high school, it’s your first day in a new school, so it’s understandable if you’re a little nervous. i imagine there are some seniors out there who are feeling pretty good right now -- (applause) -- with just one more year to go. and no matter what grade you’re in, some of you are probably wishing it were still summer and you could’ve stayed in bed just a little bit longer this morning.
我知道，今天是你们很多人开学的日子。对于进入小学预备班、初中或高中的学生，今天是你们来到新学校的第一天，心里可能有点紧张，这是可以理解的。我能想象有些毕业班学生现在感觉很不错——（掌声）——还有一年就毕业了。不论在哪个年级，你们有些人可能希望暑假更长一点，今天早上还能多睡一小会儿。
i know that feeling. when i was young, my family lived overseas. i lived in indonesia for a few years. and my mother, she didn’t have the money to send me where all the american kids went to school, but she thought it was important for me to keep up with an american education. so she decided to teach me extra lessons herself, monday through friday. but because she had to go to work, the only time she could do it was at 4:30 in the morning.
我了解这种感觉。我小时候，我们家生活在海外。我在印度尼西亚住了几年。我妈妈没有钱送我上其他美国孩子上的学校，但她认为必须让我接受美式教育。因此，她决定从周一到周五自己给我补课。不过她还要上班，所以只能在清晨四点半给我上课。
你们可以想见，我不太情愿那么早起床。有很多次，我趴在餐桌上就睡着了。但每当我抱怨的时候，我妈妈都会那样地看我一眼，然后说：“小子，这对我也并不轻松。”（笑声）
so i know that some of you are still adjusting to being back at school. but i’m here today because i have something important to discuss with you. i’m here because i want to talk with you about your education and what’s expected of all of you in this new school year.
我知道你们有些人还在适应开学后的生活。但我今天来到这里是因为有重要的事情要和你们说。我来这里是要和你们谈谈你们的教育问题，以及在这个新学年对你们所有人的期望。
now, i’ve given a lot of speeches about education. and i’ve talked about responsibility a lot.
我做过很多次有关教育问题的演讲。我多次谈到过责任问题。
i’ve talked about teachers’ responsibility for inspiring students and pushing you to learn.
我谈到过教师激励学生并督促他们学习的责任。
i’ve talked about your parents’ responsibility for making sure you stay on track, and you get your homework done, and don’t spend every waking hour in front of the tv or with the xbox.
我谈到过家长的责任，要确保你们走正路，完成家庭作业，不要整天坐在电视前或玩xbox游戏。
i’ve talked a lot about your government’s responsibility for setting high standards, and supporting teachers and principals, and turning around schools that aren’t working, where students aren’t getting the opportunities that they deserve.
我多次谈到过政府的责任，要制定高标准，支持教师和校长的工作，彻底改善不能为学生提供应有机会的、教育质量差的学校。
but at the end of the day, we can have the most dedicated teachers, the most supportive parents, the best schools in the world -- and none of it will make a difference, none of it will matter unless all of you fulfill your responsibilities, unless you show up to those schools, unless you pay attention to those teachers, unless you listen to your parents and grandparents and other adults and put in the hard work it takes to succeed. that’s what i want to focus on today: the responsibility each of you has for your education.
然而，即使我们拥有最敬业的教师，最尽力的家长和全世界最好的学校——如果你们大家不履行你们的责任，不到校上课，不专心听讲，不听家长、祖父祖母和其他大人的话，不付出取得成功所必须的勤奋努力，那么这一切都毫无用处，都无关紧要。这就是我今天讲话的重点：你们每个人对自己的教育应尽的责任。
i want to start with the responsibility you have to yourself. every single one of you has something that you’re good at. every single one of you has something to offer. and you have a responsibility to yourself to discover what that is. that’s the opportunity an education can provide.
我首先要讲讲你们对自己应尽的责任。你们每个人都有自己的长处。你们每个人都能做出自己的贡献。你们对自己应尽的责任是发现自己的能力所在。而教育能够提供这样的机会。
你或许能成为一名出色的作家——甚至可能写书或在报纸上发表文章——但你可能要在完成那篇英文课的作文后才会发现自己的才华。你或许能成为一名创新者或发明家——甚至可能设计出新一代iphone或研制出新型药物或疫苗——但你可能要在完成科学课的实验后才会发现自己的才华。你或许能成为一名市长或参议员或最高法院的大法官——但你可能要在参加学生会的工作或辩论队后才会发现自己的才华。
and no matter what you want to do with your life, i guarantee that you’ll need an education to do it. you want to be a doctor, or a teacher, or a police officer? you want to be a nurse or an architect, a lawyer or a member of our military? you’re going to need a good education for every single one of those careers. you cannot drop out of school and just drop into a good job. you’ve got to train for it and work for it and learn for it.
不论你的生活志向是什么，我敢肯定你必须上学读书才能实现它。你想当医生、教师或警官吗？你想当护士、建筑师、律师或军人吗？你必须接受良好的教育，才能从事上述任何一种职业。你不能指望辍学后能碰上个好工作。你必须接受培训，为之努力，为之学习。
and this isn’t just important for your own life and your own future. what you make of your education will decide nothing less than the future of this country. the future of america depends on you. what you’re learning in school today will determine whether we as a nation can meet our greatest challenges in the future.
这并非只对你个人的人生和未来意义重大。可以毫不夸大地说，教育给你带来的益处将决定这个国家的未来。美国的未来取决于你们。你们今日在校学习的知识将决定我们作为一个国家是否能够迎接我们未来所面临的最严峻挑战。
你们将需要利用你们通过自然科学和数学课程所学到的知识和解决问题的能力来治愈癌症、艾滋病及其他疾病，开发新的能源技术和保护我们的环境。你们将需要利用你们在历史学和社会学课堂上所获得的知识和独立思考能力来抗击贫困和解决无家可归问题，打击犯罪和消除歧视，使我们的国家更公平、更自由。你们将需要利用你们在所有课堂上培养的创造力和智慧来创办新公司，增加就业机会，振兴我们的经济。
we need every single one of you to develop your talents and your skills and your intellect so you can help us old folks solve our most difficult problems. if you don’t do that -- if you quit on school -- you’re not just quitting on yourself, you’re quitting on your country.
我们需要你们每个人发挥你们的聪明才智和技能，以便帮助老一辈人解决我们面临的最棘手问题。如果你们不这样做，如果你们辍学，你们不仅仅是自暴自弃，也是抛弃自己的国家。
now, i know it’s not always easy to do well in school. i know a lot of you have challenges in your lives right now that can make it hard to focus on your schoolwork.
我自然知道要做到学业优秀并非总是易事。我知道你们许多人在生活中面临挑战，难以集中精力从事学业。
i get it. i know what it’s like. my father left my family when i was two years old, and i was raised by a single mom who had to work and who struggled at times to pay the bills and wasn’t always able to give us the things that other kids had. there were times when i missed having a father in my life. there were times when i was lonely and i felt like i didn’t fit in.
我明白这一点。
我有亲身感受。两岁时，我父亲离家而去，我是由一位单亲母亲抚养成人的，母亲不得不工作，并时常为支付生活费用而苦苦挣扎，但有时仍无法为我们提供其他孩子享有的东西。有时，我渴望生活中能有一位父亲。有时我感到孤独，感到自己不适应社会。
so i wasn’t always as focused as i should have been on school, and i did some things i’m not proud of, and i got in more trouble than i should have. and my life could have easily taken a turn for the worse.
我并非总是像我应该做到的那样专心学习，我也曾做过我如今不能引以为豪的一些事情，我曾惹过不应该惹的麻烦。我的人生原本会轻易陷入更糟糕的境地。
but i was -- i was lucky. i got a lot of second chances, and i had the opportunity to go to college and law school and follow my dreams. my wife, our first lady michelle obama, she has a similar story. neither of her parents had gone to college, and they didn’t have a lot of money. but they worked hard, and she worked hard, so that she could go to the best schools in this country.
但是，我当年际遇不错。我有过许多第二次机会，我有幸能上大学，上法学院，追求自己的理想。我的妻子，我们的第一夫人米歇尔?奥巴马，也有着类似的经历。她的父母都未曾上过大学，家里很穷。但他们非常勤奋 ，她也是如此，因此她得以进入一些美国最好的学校。
some of you might not have those advantages. maybe you don’t have adults in your life who give you the support that you need. maybe someone in your family has lost their job and there’s not enough money to go around. maybe you live in a neighborhood where you don’t feel safe, or have friends who are pressuring you to do things you know aren’t right.
你们中有一些人可能没有那些有利条件。或许你们生活中没有成年人为你们提供你们所需要篇二：美国总统演讲稿
remarks of president barack obama
weekly address
san diego, california
saturday, november 19, 2011
today, i’m speaking to you from indonesia as i finish up my trip to the asia pacific – the regionwhere we do most of our trade and sell most of our exports. and over the past week, theprogress we’ve made in opening markets and boosting exports here will help create more jobs andmore growth in the united states.
– a goal we’reon pace to meet. and they’re powerful examples of how we can rebuild an economy that’sfocused on what our country has always done best – making and selling products all over theworld that are stamped with three proud words: “made in america.”
this is important, because over the last decade, we became a country that relied too much onwhat we bought and consumed. we racked up a lot of debt, but we didn’t create many jobs atall.
but building an economy that lasts isn’t just about making things – it’s about opening new marketsfor people to buy them. after all,
95% of the world’s consumers live outside our borders. and asthe fastest-growing region in the world, no market is more important to our economic future thanthe asia pacific region – a region where our exports already support five million american jobs.
us trade agreement yet – a partnership withpacific nations that holds the potential for more exports and more jobs in a region of nearly threebillion consumers.
美国总统奥巴马 2010 年开学励志演讲美国总统奥巴马开学演讲英语演讲稿。这是奥巴马第二次发表开学演讲。奥巴马 2009 年的演讲招来了许多批评和抵制。
一些反对者指责称， 奥巴马试图通过演讲向学生灌输政治 理念。部分媒体还批评奥巴马试图建立个人崇拜。在美国各地，也有许多家长向当地教育官 员表示抗议，一些家长甚至威胁在奥巴马演讲时把孩子离教室。有了去年的“教训” ，今年 的总统开学演讲，白宫意强调这是一次“非政治活动” ，而奥巴马本人也在演讲中回避政治 话题。thank you!hello!(applause.)thank you.thank you.well, hello,philadelphia! (applause.) and hello, masterman. (applause.) done that. be here.it is wonderful to see all of you.what a terrific introduction by kelly. give kelly a big round of applause. i was saying backstage that when i was in high school, i could not have (laughter.) i would have muffed it up somehow. so we are so proud and to all the students here, i’ thrilled to mof you and everything that you’ done. ve谢谢！你们好！ （掌声。
）谢谢。谢谢。你好，费城！ （掌声。
）你好， 马斯特曼。
见到你们真是太好了。
kelly 的介绍真是太棒了。
让我们对 kelly 报以热烈的掌声。在后台的时候我说，我上高中的时候我就做不这么好，我可能 会弄的一团糟。所以让我们为你和你做的一切自豪吧。站在这里我很激动。kelly 在奥巴马总统演讲前，一名叫 kelly 的学生做了演讲。
backstage n.后台 muff v.笨拙地处理，将事情弄糟 thrilled a.激动的 we’ve got a couple introductions i want to make. mayor of philadelphia, michael nutter, is here. fattah is here. (applause.) (applause.) first of all, you’ve got the (applause.) theoutstanding governor of pennsylvania, ed rendell, in the house.(applause.) congressman chaka (applause.) the school 我想介绍1congresswoman allyson schwartz is here. (applause.) andyour own principal, marge neff, is here.superintendent, arlene ackerman, is here and doing a great job. the secretary of education, arne duncan, is here. (applause.)
几个人。首先，来到这儿的有，杰出的宾夕法尼亚州州长， ed rendell。
（掌声。
） 。你们的 费城市长，michael nutter。国会议员 fattah 和 allyson schwartz（掌声） 校长 marge neff（掌声） 。学校管理人 arlene ackerman 是这个学校的，并且为学 （掌声） 校做了很大的贡献。
（掌声） 。还有教育部秘书长 arne duncan。outstanding a.杰出的 congressman n.国会议员 principal n.校长 superintendent n.院长 and i am here. excited. (applause.) and i am thrilled to be here. i am just soi’ve heard such great things about what all of you are doing, both the 还有我。
（掌声） ，我感到非常students and the teachers and th
，你们中有些人在新学年会有些紧张。或许你刚从 小学升到初中，从初中升到高中，会担心，新的学年将会是什么样的呢。也许你 进入一所新的学校，不知道是否会喜欢这个学校，想着怎么来融入这个学校。或 许你到了高三年级，对整个的大学入学程序感到不安，比如申请那里的学校，能 不能支付上大学的费用等等。elementary school n.小学 figure out 想明白，弄清楚 fit in 融入，适应 afford to do 承担得起 and beyond all those concerns, i know a lot of you are also feeling the strain of some difficult times. afghanistan. you know what’s going on in the news and you also know you’ve read about the war in and3what’s going on in some of your own families.you hear about the recession that we’ ve been through.
sometimes maybe you’ seeing the worries in your parents’ faces or sense it in their re voice. 除此之外，我知道你们还有来自困难时期的压力。你们知道新闻 内容，知道你们一些家庭中发发生的事情。你们读过有关阿富汗战争的信息，听 说过我们经历过的经济不景气。有时你们还看到了双亲脸上挂着的忧虑，或从他 们的声音中感受到了这些。strain n.压力 so a lot of you as a consequence, because we’re going through a tough time a country, are having to act a lot older than you are. you got to be strong for your or maybe some of family while your brother or sister is serving overseas, or you’ve got to look after younger siblings while your mom is working that second shift. work. you who are little bit older, you’re taking on a part-time job while your dad’s out of 所以，因为我们国家面临困难时期，你们许多人的行为看上去比实 际年龄要大。姐姐哥哥在海外工作，你们会表现得坚强，或许妈妈去值第二班， 你们就要照顾年幼的弟弟妹妹。或许你们有些人年长一点的，父亲失了业，你们 还要做兼职。as a consequence 结果，所以 tough time 困难时期【tough a.艰难的】 sibling n.兄弟姐妹，同胞 shift n.轮班 and that’s a lot to handle. it’s more than you should have to handle. and it may make you wonder at times what your own future will look like, whether you’re going to be able to succeed in school, whether you should maybe set your sights a little lower, scale back your dreams. 有太多事情要做了， 很多是你们不应该 做的。
这让你们迷茫， 不知道自己的未来会是什么样， 在学校能不能取得好成绩， 是不是应该把目光降低些，把理想放低些。handle v.处理，应对 scale back 缩减 but i came to masterman to tell all of you what i think you’re hearing from your principal and your superintendent, and from your parents and your teachers: nobody gets to write your destiny but you. your future is in your hands. your life4
is what you make of it.and
【美国总统演讲】确保同工同酬 严惩工资歧视
weekly address: ensuring equal pay for equal work
remarks of president barack obama
weekly address
the white house
april 12, 2014
hi, everybody. earlier this week was equal pay day. it marks the extra time the average woman has to work into a new year to earn what a man earned the year before. you see, the average woman who works full-time in america earns less than a man – even when she’s in the same profession and has the same education.
thats wrong. in 2014, it’s an embarrassment. women deserve equal pay for equal work.
this is an economic issue that affects all of us. women make up about half our workforce. and more and more, they’re our families’ main breadwinners. so it’s good for everyone when women are paid fairly. that’s why, this week, i took action to prohibit more businesses from punishing workers who discuss their salaries – because more pay transparency makes it easier to spot pay discrimination. and i hope more business leaders will take up this cause.
but equal pay is just one part of an economic agenda for women.
most lower-wage workers in america are women. so i’ve taken executive action to require federal contractors to pay their federally-funded employees at least ten dollars and ten cents an hour. i ordered a review of our nation’s overtime rules, to give more workers the chance to earn the overtime pay they deserve. thanks to the affordable care act, tens of millions of women are now guaranteed free preventive care like mammograms and contraceptive care, and the days
when you could be charged more just for being a woman are over for good. across the country, we’re bringing americans together to help us make sure that a woman can have a baby without sacrificing her job, or take a day off to care for a sick child or parent without hitting hardship. it’s time to do away with workplace policies that belong in a “mad men” episode, and give every woman the opportunity she deserves.
i’m going to keep fighting to make sure that doesn’t happen. because we do better when our economy grows for everybody, not just a few. and when women succeed, america succeeds. thanks, and have a great weekend.篇五：美国总统演讲稿——勤奋生活论
勤奋生活论
1899年4月10日于芝加哥
西奥多·罗斯福(1856—1919)，美国第26任总统(1901—1909)，作家，探险者和军事家。
我不打算宣讲安逸论，我要宣讲勤奋生活论，也就是操劳、勤勉、努力和奋斗的一生我要说，安逸平淡者的一生算不上圆满，只有不畏艰险劳苦终获辉煌胜利的人的一生才算得上成功。
贪图安逸的一生，由于不想或不能成就大事业而平淡无奇的一生，对个人、对民族来说都同样不值。
一生苟且怕事的人我们不佩服。我们佩服的是经奋斗而成功的人；
从来不会对不起邻人、及时向朋友伸援手的人，尤其佩服有阳刚之气经得起实际生活锻炼的人。失败的滋味固然不好受；
从来不愿做成功的尝试却更糟。生活当中不努力就不会有成就。现在无需努力只表示过去已经累积了努力成果。人只有在自己或祖辈努力有成的情况下才有不工作的自由。如这样得来的自由运用得当，他还在做事，只是做不同的事，是作家或是将军，是从政或寻幽探险，都说明他对得起命运对他的厚爱。但如果他反以为这段无需工作期不是准备期而正好偷闲，那么他无非也就是这世上的寄生虫，有朝一日又得自食其力时肯定不如人。安安逸逸的一生说到底算不上充实，对很想在世上有一番严肃作为的人来说尤其不合适。
个人如是，民族亦然。要说没有历史的民族最轻松愉快可就大错了。最快活的乃是有光辉灿烂历史的民族。敢于大胆尝试夺得光辉胜利，即便经历过挫败，也远比与在胜败之间的灰色领域浑浑噩噩过了一辈子既未曾惊喜亦不知苦难的人为伍要强。如若1861年热爱联邦者以为和平乃上上选、纷战乃下下策，并秉此而行，我们果然能少死千万人，少花千万元。尤有甚者，非但能省却当时流的血、花的钱，让多少妇女免于丧子丧夫之痛、家破人亡之苦；
还可以摆脱我们在军队连连败退时全国上下被暗淡所笼罩的漫长蒙羞岁月。只要当时对鏖战望而怯步就可以回避这场苦难。其实，要真是回避了，我们倒成了弱者，没有资格并列世界大国之林。感谢上帝让我们的祖辈有铁血意
志，他们坚持林肯的智慧，与格兰特将军持剑荷枪而战!我们这些当年的志士豪杰之后，促使南北战争胜利结束的英雄的后代，让我们赞美我们先祖的上帝，因为他们拒不同意苟且求全的论调，而勇敢地在痛苦损失、悲痛绝望的情况下卓绝苦战多年；
最后奴隶终得解放，联邦得以恢复，强大的美利坚共和国再次可以在国际上昂首挺胸…… 凡畏缩、疏懒、不相信自己国家的人，谨小慎微丧失了斗志、挺不起腰杆子的人，无知混沌、无法像刚毅有为的人那样被振奋的人，凡是这样的人每见到国家有新的责任当前自然要望而怯步；
不愿见到我们有足以应付需要的陆、海军；
见到我们的士兵、水手在伟大美丽的热带岛屿上奋勇地撵走西班牙人，’承担起应有的世界责任，化混乱为秩序时也要望而怯步。这些人就是怕磨练，就是怕生活在一个有国格的国家之中；
他们要的是让国无理想人无大志的安逸生涯；
要不他们就是一味贪得图利之辈，以为国家的一切应以商业利益为依靠，却未能意识到商业利益诚然是不可或少的考虑因素，但只不过是使一个国家真正伟大的许多 因素之一。一个国家要想持久，它就必需有深厚的靠勤俭、经商、发展企业、刻苦经营工业而建立起来的物资财富；
但还从来没有单靠物质财富就可以真正算得上伟大的国家。
所以同胞们，我要讲的是为了国家我们不能好逸恶劳。即将到来的20世纪许多国家命运未卜。如果我们仅只袖手旁观，只贪图享乐安逸，只求太平无事，如果我们每逢身心考验便望风而逃，那么比较勇敢坚强的人就会赶超我们，得以称霸世界。因此让我们勇敢地面对生活中的考验，坚定负责地做好该做的事；
坚持正义，言行一致；
决心诚实勇敢地为崇高理想服务，并采纳切合实际的办法。最重要的是，不能在国内外有难、对我们身心有所求时裹足不前，当然首先我们得确定危难值得一战；
因为只有通过危难、通过艰苦卓绝的努力才能让我们至终成为真正伟大的国家。
